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THE ANNALS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ACADEMY 

OF 

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 

ISSUED BI-MONTHLY 

VOL. XXXIII 

JANUARY-JUNE, 1909 



Editor: EMORY R. JOHNSON 
Assistant Editor: CHESTER IXOYD JONES 
Associate Editors : CARL KELSEY, L. S. ROWE, WALTER S. TOWER, 
PRANK D. WATSON, JAMES T. YOUNG 



PHILADELPHIA 

American Academy of Political and Social Science 

1909 



Copyright, 1909, by the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 

All rights reserved. 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2016 



https://archive.org/details/annalsofamerican00amer_0 



CONTENTS 



PRINCIPAL PAPERS 

PAGE 

Alexander^ Magnus W. Apprenticeship System of the Gen- 
eral Electric Company at West Lynn, Massachusetts .... 141 
Anderson, Matthew. Berean School of Philadelphia and the 

Industrial Efficiency of the Negro iii 

Ash, William C. Philadelphia Trades School 85 

Atkinson, Fred W. Technical Education at the Polytechnic 

Institute, Brooklyn 97 

Baker, Ch.a.rles Whiting. Necessity for State or Federal 

Regulation of Water Power Development 583 

Baldwin, F. Spencer. Recent Massachusetts Labor Legisla- 
tion 287 

Bernheimer, Ch.arles S. The Jewish Immigrant as an Indus- 

=* trial Worker 399 

Bien, Morris. Legal Problems of Reclamation of Lands 

by Means of Irrigation 664 

Butler, Elizabeth Beardsley. Work of Women in the Mer- 
cantile Houses of Pittsburgh 326 

Carnegie, Andrew. Future of Labor 239 

Clark, Victor S. Present State of Labor Legislation in Aus- 
tralia and New Zealand 440 

Cleveland, Treadwell, Jr. Federal Control of Water Power 

in Switzerland 597 

Coulter, John Lee. Influence of Immigration on Agricultural 

Development 373 

Cross, C. W. Apprentice System on the New York Central 

Lines 163 

Dean, Arthur D. Trade Teaching in the Boot and Shoe 

Industry 155 

Devine, Edward T. Employment Bureau for the People of 

New York City 225 

Eaton, J. J. The Manila Trade School 89 

(iii) 



91175 



IV 



Contents 



PAGE 

Fitch, John A. Labor in the Steel Industry — ^The Fluman 

Side of Large Outputs 3^7 

Gannett, Henry. Farm Tenure in the United States 647 

Gibson, Carleton B. Secondary Industrial School of Colum- 
bus, Georgia 42 

Golden, John. Position of Labor Unions Regarding Indus- 
trial Education 185 

Golden, John. Pay of Labor in New England Cotton Mills. . 301 
Grant, Luke. Seasonal Occupation in the Building Trades — 

Causes and Effects 353 

Graves, Henry Solon. Public Regulation of Private Forests. 497 
Haney, James Parton. Vocational Training and Trade 

Teaching in the Public Schools 23 

Henderson, Charles Richmond. Logic of Social Insurance. 265 

Holmes, George K. Supply of Farm Labor 362 

Holmes, J. A. Production and Waste of Mineral Resources 

and their Bearing on Conservation 686 

Hopkins, Cyril G. Conservation and Preservation of Soil 

Fertility 631 

Leighton, IM. O. Water Power in the United States 535 

Leiserson, William M. Labor Conditions in the Mines of 

the Pittsburgh District 316 

Leupp, Francis E. Indian Lands: Their Administration with 

Reference to Present and Future Use 620 

Levasseur, E. Labor and Wages in France 407 

Marshall, Florence M. Industrial Training of Women.... 119 

McGee, W. J. Water as a Resource ; 521 

Miller, Leslie W. Work of the Pennsylvania Museum and 

School of Industrial Art 105 

Morse, Charles IT. Elementary Trade Teaching 33 

Nelson, Knute. A Summary of our Most Important Land 

Laws 61 1 

Newell, Frederick H. What May be Accomplished by Recla- 
mation 658 

Parker, Lewis W. Condition of Labor in Southern Cotton 

Mills 278 

Pecorini, Alberto. The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer. 380 
Perry, C. F. Milwaukee School of Trades 78 



Contents 



V 



PAGE 

PiNCHOT, Gifford. Forestry on Private Lands 487 

Prescott, W. B. Trade Teaching Under the Auspices of the 

Typographical Union 178 

Price, C. W. Employees’ Benefit Association of the Interna- 
tional Harvester Company 246 

Riebenack, M. Pennsylvania Railroad Pension Departments. 258 
Sample, N. W. Apprenticeship System at the Baldwin Loco- 
motive Works, Philadelphia 175 

Schneider, Herman. Partial Time Trade Schools 50 

Smith, George Otis. Our IMineral Resources 679 

Stone, Alfred H. Negro Labor and the Boll Weevil 391 

Surface, George T. The Negro Mine Laborer — Central Ap- 
palachian Coal Field 338 

Van Hise, Charles Richard. Preservation of the Phosphates 

and the Conservation of the Soil 699 

Wanamaker, John. The John Wanamaker Commercial In- 
stitute — A Store School 151 

Warner, Charles F. Public Evening Schools of Trades. ... 56 

Washington, Booker T. Relation of Industrial Education to 

National Progress i 

Webb, Sidney. Problem of Unemployment in the United 

Kingdom 420 

Woodruff, George W. Classification of the Public Lands .... 605 
WooLMAN, Mary Schenck. Relative Value and Cost of Vari- 
ous Trades in a Girls’ Trade School 127 

Wright, Carroll D. Work of the National Society for the 

Promotion of Industrial Education 13 

Wright, Charles Edward. Scope of State and Eederal 

Legislation Concerning the Use of Waters 566 

Yalden, J. Ernest G. The Short Course Trade School 68 

Zacharie, F. C. Can the States Regulate Private Forests?. . . 510 



VI 



Contents 



BOOK DEPARTMENT 



Conducted by Frank D. Watson 
REVIEWS. 

PAGE 

Ayres, L. P., and Gulick, L. H. Medical Inspection of Schools. — 7 . S. 

Hiatt 731 

Baker, R. S. Following the Color Line. — C. Kelsey 466 

Bentley, A. F. The Process of Government. — C. Kelsey 467 

Bentley, H. C. Corporate Finance and Accounting. — IV. K. Hardt.... 206 

Biekly, W. R. Police Power. — IF. IV. Pierson 207 

Blair, Emma H., and Robertson, J. A. (Ed.). The Philippine Islands, 

1493-1898. (55 vols.)— L. A. LcRoy 725 

Butterfield, K. L. Chapters in Rural Progress . — Isabel D. Allen 728 

Cambridge Modern History. Vol. V. — IF. E. Lingelbach 728 

Channing, E. a History of the United States. Vol II. — E. R. Johnson. 469 
Chapman, A. B. W., and Shillington, V. M. The Commercial Relations 

of England and Portugal. — A. C. Hoivland 216 

Cook, F. A. To the Top of the Continent. — W. S. Tozver 208 

Curtin, J. The Mongols. — IF. N. Tower 209 

Daggett, S. Railroad Reorganization. — E. R. Johnson 470 

Daugherty, Mrs. L. S., and Jackson, C. R. Agriculture through the 

Laboratory and School Garden. — O. L. Jones 473 

Flack, H. E. The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment. — C. L. Jones. 471 

Gray, B. K. Philanthropy and the State. — C. Kelsey 730 

Gulick, L. H., and Ayres, L. P. IMedical Inspection of Schools. — J. S. 

Hiatt 731 

Haney, L. H. A Congressional History of Railways in the United States. 

Vol I. — G. G. Hiiebner 732 

Hirth, F. The Ancient History of China to the end of the Chou Dynasty 

— R. F. Schoh 733 

Hodgetts, E. A. B. The Court of Russia in the Nineteenth Century. 

2 vols. — N. N. Harper 472 

Huntington, E. The Pulse of Asia. — 7 . R. Smith 735 

Ireland, A. The Province of Burma. 2 vols. — C. L. Jones 210 

Jackson, C. R., and Daugherty, IMrs. L. S. Agriculture Through the 

Laboratory and School Garden. — 0 . L. Jones 473 

Jevons, F. B. An Introduction to the Study of Comparative Religion. — 

. 9 . E. Rupp 474 

L.wisse, E. Histoirc do France. Vol VII, IT. — IF. E. Lingelbach 21 1 

Lowell, A. L. The Government of England. 2 vols. — C. L. Jones 475 



Contents 



vii 

PAGE 

Meade, E. S. The Story of Gold. — W. S. Tower 737 

Miller, K. Race Adjustment. — C. Kelsey 212 

Montgomery, H. E. Vital American Problems. — C. Kelsey 213 

Osborn, H. Economic Zoology. — W. S. Tower 737 

Parmalee, M. The Principles of Anthropology and Sociology in Their 

Relations to Criminal Procedure. — C. Kelsey 215 

Phillips, U. B. History of Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt to 

i860. — G. G. Huebner 476 

Pierce, F. Federal Usurpation. — W. IV. Pierson 477 

Robertson, J. A., and Blair, Emma H. (Ed.). The Philippine Islands, 

1493-1898. (55 vols.)— /. A. LeRoy 725 

Ross, E. A. Social Psychology. — H. R. Mitssey 738 

Royce, J. Race Questions and other American Problems. — G. B. Mangold. 739 
Shillington, V. ]\I., and Ch.\pm.\n, A. B. W. The Commercial Relations 

of England and Portugal. — A. C. Hoivland 216 

Stone, A. H. Studies in the American Race Problem. — C. Kelsey 217 

Tardieu, a. France and the Alliances. — C. L. Jones 218 

Thompson, J. A. Heredity. — C. Kelsey 219 

Walling, W. E. Russia’s Message. — N. I. Stone 220 

Ward, R. De C. Climate : Considered Especially in Relation to Man. — 

W. S. Tozver 222 

Wendell, B. The Privileged Classes . — Mary Lloyd 478 

White, A. B. The Making of the English Constitution, 449-1485. — E. P. 

Cheyney 479 

Wright, H. M. A Handbook of the Philippines.—/. R. Smith 223 

notes. 

Alden, Margaret. Child Life and Labor 71 1 

Alymer-Sm.\ll, S. Electrical Railroading 71 1 

Anderson, F. M. Constitutions and other Select Documents Illustrative 

of the History of France, 1789-1901. 2d ed 449 

B.\bbitt, j. B. Physical History of the Earth in Outline 71 1 

Bacon, E. M. English Voyages of Adventure and Discovery. Retold 

from Hakluyt 449 

Bailey, L. H. The State and the Farmer 450 

B.\ld\vin, C. W. Geography of the Hawaiian Islands 189 

Baldwin, W. A. Industrial-Social Education 189 

Beers, C. W. A Mind that Found Itself 450 

Bellom, M. L’Enseignement Economique et Social dans les Ecoles Tech- 
niques 712 

Bellom, M. La Mission Sociale des Eleves des Ecoles Techniques 712 

Beveridge, A. J. Americans of To-day and To-morrow 190 

Bowie, A. J., Jr. Practical Irrigation 190 



Contents 



viii 

PAGE 

Bullock, C. J. Introduction to the Study of Economics 451 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Twentysixth Annual Report of, 1904-05. 190 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 34 712 

Butler, N. M. The American as He is 713 

Carltok, F. T. Education and Industrial Evolution 191 

Carlton, F. T. Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in the 

United States, 1820-1850 713 

Carman, B. The Making of Personality 191 

Carnegie A. Problems of To-day 451 

Chapman, S. J. Work and Wages. Part II 191 

Chastin, j. Les Trusts et les Syndicats de Producteurs 714 

Clarke, C. Sixty Years in Upper Canada 714 

CoiRAED, L. La Familee dans le Code Civil, 1804-1904 452 

Cole, W. M. Accounts : Their Construction and Interpretation 714 

Commander, Lydia K. The American Idea 452 

Cooke, F. H. The Commerce Clause of the Constitution 452 

Daniels, J. An Outline of Economics 453 

Davis, C. H. S. Consumption, Its Prevention and Cure Without Medicine 192 

Davis, G. B. The Elements of International Law 192 

D.wis, Yh ]M. Practical Exercises in Physical Geography 715 

Day, C. M. Accounting Practice 715 

Dondlinger, P. T. The Book of Wheat 192 

Dorland, W. a. N. The Age of klental Virility 193 

Du Bois, W. E. B. (Ed.). Economic Co-operation Among Negro- 

Americans 453 

Earle, F. S. Southern Agriculture 193 

Earp, E. L. Social Aspects of Religious Institutions 454 

Eder, kl. D. The Endowment of Motherhood 716 

Edwards, G. J., Jr. The Grand Jury 454 

Ellis, H. The Soul of Spain iq3 

Elson, H. W. History of the LTnited States of America. (5 vols.).... 455 

Elwang, W. W. The Social Functions of Religious Belief 716 

Ely, R. T. Outlines of Economics 194 

Eagan, J. 0 . The Confessions of a Railroad Signalman 455 

Faunce, W. it. P. The Educational Ideal in the Ministry 716 

Fay, C. R. Co-operation at Home and Abroad 194 

Fisher, S. G. The Struggle for American Independence, 2 vols 195 

Elexner, A. The American College 456 

Flynt, j. My Life 

Eorse, W. H., Jr. Electric Railway Auditing and Accounting 717 

Griffin, Grace G. YYitings on American History 457 

Hanus, P. LI. Beginnings in Industrial Education 195 

Harrison, F. National and Social Problems 717 

Harrison, F. Realities and Ideals 4^7 

Heineman, T. W. The Physical Basis of Civilization 453 



Contents 



IX 



PAGE 

Hogan, A. E. Pacific Blockade:* 718 

Hughes, H. C. The Philosophy of the Federal Constitution 196 

Hull, W. I. The Two Hague Conferences'...; 459 

Hunt, Caroline L. Home Problems from a New Standpoint 459 

Johnson, C. Highways and Byways of the Pacific Coast 459 

Jones, R. L. International Arbitration as a Substitute for War Between 

Nations , . 196 

Keller, A. G. Colonization 197 

Kircheisen, F. M. Bibliographic du temps de Napoleon, comprenant I’his- 

toire des Etats-Unis. Tome I 460 

Kirkup, T. a Primer of Socialism 719 

Ladd, G. T. In Korea with IMarquis Ito 197 

DE Launay, L. The World’s Gold 719 

Lavisse, E. Histoire de France. Tome Huitieme, I 720 

Loane, M. From Their Point of View 461 

MacCorkle, W. a. Some Southern Questions 720 

Macdonald, W. Documentary Source Book of American History 198 

Massey, W. F. Practical Farming 461 

Mathews, B. C. Our Irrational Distribution of Wealth 461 

McCarthy, J. A Short History of Our Own Times 461 

IMcKenzie, F. a. The Tragedy of Korea 197 

Merrill, L. Winning the Boy 721 

Miltoun, F. In the Land of Mosques and Minarets igS 

Mond, F. The Burden of Woman 721 

Moore, F. The Passing of Morocco 199 

Morris, H. C. History of Colonization, 2 vols 199 

IVIuRBY, M. The Common Sense of the Woman Question 721 

^ Nearing, S., and Watson, F. D. Economics 199 

Neve, P. La Philosophic de Taine, Essai Critique 200 

New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, Thirty- 

fourth Annual Report of 721 

Nitti, F. S. Catholic Socialism 722 

O’Donnell, C. J. The Causes of Present Discontent in India 200 

Oliver, T. Diseases of Occupation 200 

OsTROM, H. The Crisis in Church Work 462 

Overland, M. U. Classified Corporation Laws of all the States 722 

Pelzer, L. Augustus Caesar Dodge 723 

Person, H. S. Industrial Education 201 

Phelan, R. V. The Financial History of Wisconsin 201 

Phillipson, C. Two Studies of International Law 462 

OuiNN, G. E. The Boy-Savers’ Guide 723 

Reich, E. Foundations of klodern Europe, 2d ed 202 

Robinson, H. P. The Twentieth Century American 202 

Rowe, L. S. Problems of City Government 202 

Sabatier, P, Modernism 723 



X 



Contents 



PAGE 

Schultz, A. P. Race or Mongrel 463 

Schumpeter, J. Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der Theoretischen 

Nationaldkonomie 724 

Scott, J. B. Texts of the Peace Conferences at The Hague, 1899-1907. .. 464 
Seligman, E. R. a. Principles of Economics with Special Reference to 

American Conditions. 3d ed 464 

SiMMEL, G. Soziologie 465 

Sixzheimer, H. Der Korporative Arbeitsnormenvertag 203 

Si’ARGO, J. The Spiritual Significance of Modern Socialism 465 

Spears, J. R. The Story of the New England Whalers 724 

Taxation, State and Local, First National Conference of the National Tax 

Asociation 203 

DE Tocqueville, A. Democracy in America, 2 vols 204 

Thorpe, F. E. (Ed.). The History of North America, Vol. XX, Island 

Possessions of the United States, by A. E. McKinley 204 

Towles. J. K. Factory Legislation of Rhode Island 725 

Vogt, P. L. The Sugar Refining Industry in the United States 465 

W.\RNER, A. G. American Charities. New edition, rev. by Mrs. Mary 

R. Coolidge 205 

Wassaji, C. W. The Salary Loan Business in New York City . 466 

Watson, F. D., and Nearing, S. Economics 199 

Webb, M. de P. India and the Empire 205 

Wilson, W. Constitutional Government in the LTnited States 205 

Workingman, Letters from a. By an American Mechanic 720 

ZuEBLiN, C. The Religion of a Democrat 206 



Annual Report for 1908 of the American Academy of Political and Social 
Science 482 



SUPPLEMENT 

The Child Workers of the Nation. Proceedings of the Eifth Annual Meeting 
of the National Child Labor Committee. March, 1909. Pp. 244. 



INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION 



THE ANNALS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ACADEMY 



OF 



POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 

ISSUED BI-MONTHLY 

VOL XXXIII, No. 1 JANUARY, 1909 



Editor: EMORY R. JOHNSON 
Assistant Editor: CHESTER LLOYD JONES 

Associatb Editors: CARL KELSEY, L. S. ROWE. WALTER S. TOWER, 
FRANK D. WATSON, JAMES T. YOUNG 



PHILADELPHIA 

American Academy of Political and Social Science 
36th and Woodland Avenue 
1909 



CONTENTS 



PAGE. 

RELATION OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION TO NATIONAL 

PROGRESS 1 

Booker T. Washington, LL.D., Principal, Tuskegee Institute, 

Ala. 

THE WORK OF THE NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE PROMO- 
TION OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION 13 

Colonel Carroll D. Wright, LL.D., President, Clark College, 
Worcester, Mass. 

VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND TRADE TEACHING IN THE 

PUBLIC SCHOOLS 23 

James Parton Haney, Secretary of the National Society for 
the Promotion of Industrial Education, and Director of Art 
and Manual Training in the Public Schools of New York City 
(Manhattan and The Bronx). 

ELEMENTARY TRADE TEACHING 33 

Charles H. Morse, Secretary and Executive Officer, Massa- 
chusetts Commission on Industrial Education, Boston. 

THE SECONDARY INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL OF COLUMBUS, 

GEORGIA 42 

Carleton B. Gibson, Superintendent of Schools, Columbus, Ga. 

PARTIAL TIME TRADE SCHOOLS 50 

Professor Herman Schneider, Dean, College of Engineering, 
University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, O. 

PUBLIC EVENING SCHOOLS OF TRADES 56 

Charles F. Warner, Principal of the Technical High School, 
Springfield, Mass. 

I’HE SHORT COURSE TRADE SCHOOL 68 

J. Ernest G. Yalden, Superintendent, Baron de Hirsch Trade 
School, New York City. 

THE MILWAUKEE SCHOOL OF TRADES 78 

C. F. Perry, S.B., M.E., Director. 

THE PHILADELPHIA TRADES SCHOOL 85 

William C. Ash, Principal. 

THE MANILA TRADE SCHOOL 89 

J. J. Eaton, Former Superintendent Philippine School of Arts 
and Trades; Director, Ludlow Textile School, Ludlow, Mass. 

TECHNICAL EDUCATION AT THE POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE, 

BROOKLYN 97 

Fred W. Atkinson, President. 



Contents 



ill 

PAGE 

THE WORK OF THE PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM AND SCHOOL 

OF INDUSTRIAL ART 105 

Leslie W. Miller, Principal of the School of Industrial Art, 
Philadelphia. 

THE BEREAN SCHOOL OF PHILADELPHIA AND THE INDUS- 
TRIAL EFFICIENCY OF THE NEGRO Ill 

Rev. Matthew Anderson, D.D., Principal. 

THE INDUSTRIAL TRAINING OF WOMEN 119 

Florence M. Marshall, Director Boston Trade School for Girls, 
Boston, Mass. 

THE RELATIVE VALUE AND COST OF VARIOUS TRADES IN A 

GIRLS’ TRADE SCHOOL 12 7 

Mary Schenck Woolman, Professor of Domestic Art in Teach- 
ers College, Columbia University, and Director of Manhattan 
Trade School for Girls, New York City. 

THE APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM OF THE GENERAL ELECTRIC 

COMPANY AT WEST LYNN, MASSACHUSETTS 141 

Magnus W. Alexander, Vice-President, National Society for the 
Promotion of Industrial Education. 

THE JOHN WANAMAKER COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE— A STORE 

SCHOOL 151 

John Wanamaker, Philadelphia. 

TRADE TEACHING IN THE BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY 155 

Arthur D. Dean, Chief of Division of Trades Schools, New York 
State Education Department, Albany, N. Y. 

THE APPRENTICE SYSTEM ON THE NEW YORK CENTRAL 

LINES 163 

C. W. Cross, Superintendent of Apprentices, New York City. 

APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM' AT THE BALDWIN LOCOMOTIVE 

WORKS, PHILADELPHIA 175 

N. W. Sample, Superintendent of Apprentices. 

TRADE TEACHING UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE TYPO- 
GRAPHICAL UNION 178 

W. B. Prescott, Secretary International Typographical Union 
Commission on Supplemental Trade Education, Chicago. 

THE POSITION OF LABOR UNIONS REGARDING INDUSTRIAL 

EDUCATION 185 

John Golden, President United Textile Workers of America, 

Pall River, Mass. 



BOOK DEPARTMENT 



Conducted by FRANK D. WATSON 
Notes pp. 189-206. 



REVIEWS 

Bentley — Corporate Finance and Accounting (p. 206) W. K. Hardt 

Bierly — Police Poiver (p. 207) W. W. Pierson 

Cook — To the Top of the Continent (p. 208) W. S. Tower 

Curtin — The Mongols (p. 209) W. S. Tower 

Ireland — The Province of Burma, 2 vols. (p. 210) C. L. Jones 

Lavisse — llistoire de France dcptiis Ics Origines jusqu'd la 

Revolution, Vol. VII, II (p. 211) W. E. Lingelbach 

Mn.LER — Race Adjustment (p. 212) C. Kelsey 

Montgomery — Yital American Prohlems (p. 213) C. Kelsey 

Pabmalee — The Principles of Anthropology and Sociology in 

Their Relations to Criminal Procedure (p. 215) C. Kelsey 

Shiulington and Chapman — The Commercial Relations of 

England and Portugal (210) A. C. Howland 

Stone — Studies in the American Race Prohlem (p. 217) C. Kelsey 

Tardieu — France and the Alliances (p. 218) C. L. Jones 

Thompson — Heredity (p. 219) C. Kelsey 

AValling — Russia's Message (p. 220) N. I. Stone 

Ward — Climate: Considered Especially in Relation to Man 

tp. 222) W. S. Tower 

AVright — A Ilandhook of the Philippines (p. 223) .T. R. Smith 



LIST OF CONTINENTAL AGENTS 
France; L. Larose, Rue Soufflot 22, Paris. 

Germany' ; Alayer & Miiller, 2 Prince Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. AA". 
Italy : Direcione del Giornale degli Econoiuisti, via Monte Savello, 
Palazzo Orsini, Rome. 

Spain : Libreria Nacional y Extranjera de E. Dossat, antes, E. Capdeville, 
9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid. 



Copyright, 1909, by the American Academy of Political and Social Science 

All rights reserved 



RELATION OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION TO NATIONAL 

PROGRESS 



By Dr. Booker T. Washington, 
Principal Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 



When the history of industrial education in this country comes 
to be written it will be found that, directly and indirectly, the Negro 
has had an important part, not only in defining its aims and shaping 
its methods, but in advertising its importance to the world. The 
first industrial school of any importance in the United States was 
Hampton Institute, a school founded for Negroes, at Hampton, Va. 
At the time this school was established, in 1868, the value of indus- 
trial education in preparing primitive people for European civiliza- 
tion had already been perceived by certain missionaries in Africa 
and elsewhere. The idea of introducing it in America, for the 
purpose of solving the problem which was created by the sudden 
liberation of nearly 4,000,000 slaves, was first clearly conceived and 
carried into effect by General Samuel Chapman Armstrong, although 
this application of the idea was not even at that time entirely new. 

In 1853 Frederick Douglass drew up for Harriet Beecher Stowe 
a plan for “an industrial college, in which shall be taught several 
important branches of the mechanical arts.” In this paper Mr. 
Douglass said : 

The fact is, that the colored men must learn trades ; must find new 
employments, new modes of usefulness to society ; or they must decay under 
the pressing wants to which their condition is rapidly bringing them. . . . 

We must become mechanics ; we must build as well as live in houses ; we 
must make as^well as use furniture; we must construct bridges as well as 
pass over them, before we can properly live or be respected by our fellow- 
men. We need mechanics as well as ministers. We need workers in iron, 
clay, and leather. We have orators, authors, and other professional men, 
but these reach only a certain class, and get respect for our race in certain 
select circles. To live here as we ought, we must fasten ourselves to our 
countrymen through their every-day cardinal wants. 

I mention this statement of Frederick Douglass because it 
indicates that even before the war which liberated them had made 
the position of the Freedman in this country a problem of national 



The Annals of the Ameriean Aeademy 



importance, tlie need of industrial education for the masses of his 
race had been recognized by this great leader of the Negro people. 

1 will perhaps be able to give a clearer notion of the methods 
of this school at i lampton and of the significance of its work if I 
say something about the conditions that existed directly after the 
war, and the character of the schools that were established for the 
Freedman at that time. From the very start Hampton Institute 
has been, in many vital respects, different in its aims as well as in 
its methods from the other schools for the Freedman then estab- 
lished. I think it is fair to say, for instance, that the first schools 
and colleges for Negroes were all of them more or less dominated 
by the notion that they were to continue and finish the work that 
had been incidentally begun by the Civil War. They felt it was 
their mission to free the slaves. The war had brought these slaves 
physical freedom ; the schools were to give them moral and intel- 
lectual freedom. Calhoun had said that if the time ever came when 
a Negro could master the intricacies of the Greek language he 
would admit that he had been wrong in his notions about slavery. 
The schools established directly after the war were eager, appar- 
ently, to take up that challenge. They wanted to prove the capacity 
of the Negro to study and learn everything that the white man had 
studied and learned. 

It had been said of the Negro in slavery that he was intel- 
lectually inferior to the white man ; that he was unable to learn the 
things that the white man had learned. To disprove this statement 
was to emancipate him. Consciously or unconsciously the desire to 
complete his emancipation, in the way I have indicated, influenced 
very largely the work of these other schools. 

I do not wish to lessen or disparage in any way the importance 
of the work that was accomplished by these first Negro schools. 
The work was necessary. I am convinced that the most precious 
gift that freedom brought to the Negro, the thing that has helped 
him more than anything to realize that he was actually free, has been 
the opportunity given him to learn to read. All this, as I have said, 
was in the direction of emancipating the Negro ; it gave him his 
moral and intellectual freedom ; but it did not actually fit him to live 
in the new world which emancipation had brought him. This 
important task was first taken up in a practical way by industrial 
schools. 



Industrial Education 



3 



Let me illustrate a little farther some of the ways in which 
some of the schools and colleges founded directly after the war 
failed to prepare their students for the actual life that was before 
them. It was the idea of the men who founded the Negro colleges 
directly after the war that it was necessary and important to edu- 
cate men and women to be the leaders and teachers of their race. 
No doubt it was important that the men and women who were to 
be the leaders of the race should have the very highest and best 
education that it was possible to give them, but there were a great 
many things, as we can see now, that they might have and should 
have learned that would have been more valuable than the little 
smattering of Greek and Latin that they obtained. 

For instance, the men who became the political leaders of the 
race during the reconstruction period needed to know less the 
languages than they did the political history of Greece, of Rome, 
and of Europe. In all of these countries there had been slavery, 
and every state of Europe had, at some time in its history, been 
compelled to face the social, the political, ami the economical prob- 
lems that grew out of the transition of its laboring class from a 
condition of slavery, in some form or other, to a condition of 
freedom. But the Freedmen in the Negro colleges had no oppor- 
tunity to study these things. They learned the outward form of 
the Greek and Latin language, but they learned very little of the 
history that was behind the language and behind the literature which 
they studied. 

The young colored men who entered the colleges right after 
the war were not prepared to learn these things, even if the colleges 
had been prepared to teach them. They were not prepared because 
they knew at that time almost nothing about their own life ; almost 
nothing about the problems which beset them on every hand. Not 
knowing these things they were not prepared to interpret the his- 
tory and understand the significance of what they learned regarding 
other peoples who had passed through similar periods of transition. 
More pressing than all else for the masses of the Negro people 
directly after the war was the need of learning to work as free men 
for wages. As I have frequently said in my talks to the masses of 
my people, the Negro had been worked in slavery for two hundred 
and fifty years ; it was necessary that he should learn to work in 
freedom. It has taken some time for the masses of the Negro peo- 



4 



The Annals of the American Academy 



]4e to learn among other things, the necessity of saving and of 
thrift. The idea that these things could be taught directly and 
specifically in school had occurred to but few people when schools 
were opened for Negroes. 

It is difficult for anyone who has not himself had the experi- 
ence to understand how strange and new the world into which 
freedom introduced the Negro was. The reading of books, for 
instance, opened all at once to him a vast number of new ideas 
which it was not easy for him to understand, because he could not 
easily connect them with the ideas with which he had been familiar 
in his previous life. In this new world everything seemed at first 
strange and even fantastic, and it was inevitable that the Negro 
people should for a number of years be compelled to grope about 
and experiment. It was necessary to touch things and handle things, 
in order to learn their relative values. It was inevitable, too, that 
under such circumstances they should frequently mistake the 
shadow for the substance ; that they should have to learn all over 
again, in some cases, what things were real and what things were 
unreal in this new world to which they had entered. It is this 
condition of things which accounts for the many incongruities 
which you could have observed and may still sometimes observe in 
the life of the Negro since emancipation. One of the most pathetic 
sights that I ever saw was a three-hundred-dollar rosewood piano 
in a little country school in the black belt, where four-fifths of the 
l>eople own no land and where the majority of them live in rented 
one-room cabins and mortgage their crops and all their household 
goods every year for food on which to live from one harvest to 
another. 

All this will illustrate how important it was and is that the 
Negro boy and girl should be made to feel that they are dealing 
in school with real things. For instance, the majority of the young 
men who come to our school at Tuskegee have lived for fourteen or 
fifteen years of their life in the country districts. Their whole 
mental horizon has been bounded by the little country community 
in which they lived. They have been surrounded by a people whose 
traditions go no further back than slavery. Their earliest years 
were spent sitting on a front doorstep holding a baby in their 
arms while their fathers and mothers, sisters and brothers were 
working in the field. As soon as they were able to handle a hoe 



Industrial Education 



0 



they were then set to work in a field. Perhaps they picked up 
something of reading and wTiting during the few months that the 
country schools opened and they learned something of the outside 
from the gossip of the old people gathered around the little country 
church on Sunday. The books they read in school told them nothing 
of their own life, nothing of the people about them. To them the 
world of books seemed something wholly different and far removed 
from, anything they knew in real life. 

To make education a permanent healthful influence in the lives 
of these young men it is absolutely necessary that what they learn 
in the school-room should be connected with what they do in the 
ordinary duties of their daily life. The first and most important 
advantage that industrial has over any other form of education is 
that it definitely makes this connection betw’een the school and life. 
The boy who learns about rods and furlongs and acres in the class- 
room learns out on the farm to measure off actual furlongs and 
actual acres. The boy who learns something of botany and some- 
thing of plant life and something of the chemistry of the soil in 
school puts all he has learned into practice when he goes out to 
work on the soil. 

Where training in the industries is carried on, as it is in most 
industrial schools for the Negro, in connection with the teaching 
of the common school branches, an effort is made to connect every- 
thing that is learned in the classroom wdth some form of productive 
labor, either in the field or in the shop. This correlation of the 
studies in the books with the practice in the industries has a double 
value. For instance, the boy w'ho is studying about the iron indus- 
tries of Pittsburg finds in the work of iron molding a practical 
illustration on a small scale of what is going on in a much larger 
scale in the great centers of that industry. At the same time the 
boy W’ho is learning the iron molder’s trade gets a new interest in 
his own work when. he reads in his geography about similar indus- 
tries carried on on a larger scale in a great many of these manufac- 
turing cities. The knowdedge that he is a part of a great and im- 
portant industry gives a new dignity to the trade in which he is 
engaged, and gives him both a more intimate and a wider view 
of the industrial life of which he is preparing to make himself 
a part. 

Industrial education sprang up in this country to meet a 



6 



The Annals of the American Academy 



national crisis brought about, as I have explained, by the liberation 
of the Negro slaves. It has had, and must in my opinion continue 
to have, for some time an important part in the industrial progress 
of the South. While the Negro was not allowed during slavery 
to learn to read, he was taught to labor. At the close of the war 
the Negro had a practical monopoly of the common and skilled 
labor in the Southern states. To a very large extent the economic 
progress of the South has been and still is dependent upon the 
degree to which the Negro preserves in freedom that skill in the 
trades which he learned in slavery. Not only must the Negro 
laborer preserve and hand down to his children the traditions of 
what he had already learned, but he must be encouraged constantly 
to improve and fit himself for the more difficult tasks of a more 
complicated civilization. The opportunity for learning a trade which 
the Negro had in slavery no longer existed after the war. There 
was and is a great danger that the younger generation of Negro 
men and women may grow up not only ignorant of the trades 
which their fathers and mothers knew, but despising them. I con- 
sider one of the most important achievements of the industrial 
schools to be the work the}- have done in teaching the masses of 
the Negro people the dignity of labor with the hands. 

All the teaching of slavery tended to make the Negro regard 
labor with the hand as a curse. When freedom came his first notion 
was that he was to cease, to a very large extent, to work. It has 
been necessary to teach the masses of the Negro j^eople in the 
South that freedom means harder, more earnest, and more per- 
sistent labor than they ever knew in slaverv. In teaching this the 
industrial schools, in the South have contributed directly and in- 
directly a great deal more than can l^e actually measured to the 
industrial progress of the Southern States and, in this way, to the 
progress of the nation. 

In his re])crt u]v;n the conditions of the South made directlv 
after the war the late Carl Shurz said that conditions in the South, 
as far as concerned the social and the legal status of the Negro, 
would either tend downward, until the Negro was in a position very 
close to that of the former slave, or they would tend upward, until 
the Negro became a full-fledged, independent citizen. I think any- 
one who has observed the course of events in the Southern states 
since the war has seen both tendencies at work there. In this 



Industrial Education 



7 



connection I would lay less stress upon the disfranchisement laws 
than upon certain other, as they seem to me, more fundamental 
things. 

For instance, there have been in recent years complaints from 
some parts of the country that Negroes would not work. It has 
been said that frecjuently when Negro laborers were given higher 
wages they were inclined to work less regularly than when they 
were given lower wages. Where such conditions have existed 
there has been frequently a tendency, either by force of law or b}' 
custom, to bind the Negro in some way to the soil. For example, a 
very large proportion of the Negro tenant farmers are dependent 
upon the man upon whose plantation they are employed for pro- 
visions to carry them through the season until the cotton is sold. 
When there comes a bad season they are not able, as they say, to 
“pay out.” In many parts of the country there is a tacit under- 
standing among plantation owners that they will not accept a tenant 
who is in debt, for the reason that the tenant’s labor is often the 
only security he can give for the payment of the debt. If a tenant 
in such a case wishes to remove from one plantation to another he 
has to get some one “to buy him out of debt.” Usually this person 
is the owner of the plantation to which he intends to remove. In 
such cases there is a mutual understanding that the tenant must 
remain on the plantation until the money advanced him is entirely 
paid. The effect of this is to reduce him to a position that is so 
near peonage that it is difficult to draw the line between the two. 
This is the tendency, downward to which I have referred. 

It is perhaps natural enough that such a condition as I have 
described should arise. It was hardly to be expected that the South 
should make the transition from slave labor to free labor in a single 
step. It is not possible to effect a revolution in men’s thoughts and 
actions by a mere stroke of the pen. It took Europe a thousand 
years to pass from the slavery of Rome to the era of free labor of 
modern Europe. The intervening period was occupied by a modified 
form of slavery which was called serfdom. The condition of the 

Negro I have described as existing in some parts of the South to- 

day is similar in many respects to the condition of serfdom in 
certain parts of Europe a hundred years ago. Not only is the 

situation of the Negro farmers in some respects like that of the 

European peasant before he had broken off the restrictions and 



8 The Annals of the American Academy 

restraints of serfdom, but the two things have come into existence 
as a result of similar causes and in much the same manner. 

Should the condition of incipient peonage I have described be- 
come permanent in the South it would, in my opinion, put back the 
economic development of the Southern states for an indefinite 
length of time. 

The movement begun by the Negro industrial schools has done 
much to remove the danger that these conditions may become per- 
manent. Industrial education has not succeeded, until recent years, 
in teaching and improving the laborer on the plantation to any 
great extent, but it has done much to stimulate the buying of land 
by Negro farmers, and in this way has indirectly touched and 
inspired the tenant farmer with desire and ambition. It is un- 
doubtedly true that the next census in 1910 will show a much larger 
increase in the amount of land owned by Negroes than in any 
previous ten years’ period. But in 1890, when the last census was 
taken, the Negro farmers owned, almost wholly in the Southern 
states, 14,964,214 acres of land — an area nearly as large as Hol- 
land and Belgium combined — and this was 35.8 of all the land 
operated by colored farmers. This represents the movement up- 
ward to which I have referred. 

During the last three years there has been introduced in some 
of the Southern states what are known as “demonstration farms.” 
These farms are carried on under the direction of the Agricultural 
Department at Washington, D. C., but they are supported by funds 
from the General Education Board in New York City. By means 
of these “demonstration farms,” the “short courses” in agriculture, 
farmers’ institutes and other devices of what are sometimes called 
"agricultural extension" work, the benefits of industrial education 
are now being extended to the man on the soil. If this work can 
be continued and extended, I look for greater changes in the next 
ten years than in the past. 

I have written at some length concerning the relation of indus- 
trial education to the Negro not merely because that is a subject 
that I know most about, but because I do not know where else the 
far-reaching effects of industrial education are so open to observa- 
tion and study. Perhaps I should say, before leaving this part of 
the subject, that it seems to me, in the effort to solve the Negro 
problem by means of industrial education, we have succeeded in 



Industrial Education 



9 



working out in this country a practical and useful method of dealing 
with other primitive races, who are now coming for the first time 
into close and intimate contact with our civilization. For instance, 
I am convinced that industrial education will be found just as 
valuable in the solution of our colonial problems in Porto Rico and 
in the Philippines as it has been in solving some of our social and 
economic problems in the Southern states. 

When industrial education was first started it was generally 
believed throughout the Southern states that it was a form of 
education especially adapted to the Negro. As the Negro con- 
stituted the larger portion of the laboring class, it was assumed by 
many persons that industrial education would teach him to be con- 
tented, to occupy a menial position, and to be forever “a hewer of 
wood and a drawer of water.” 

Great changes have taken place in public opinion since that 
time. The Negro no longer has a monopoly of the occupations that 
were once called “menial,” and not only has the opposition to indus- 
trial education that formerly existed among the Negro people dis- 
appeared, but in recent years the white people of the South have 
become enthusiastic for exactly the same kind of education that 
was formerly thought fit only for the members of the Negro race. 
Not only in the South, but in the North, there is a growing and 
increasing demand for just the sort of industrial education that 
was once looked down upon as “degrading.” 

It is now pretty generally recognized that manual training does 
not meet the needs of the situation. Any form of schooling that 
merely provides discipline and culture is not sufficient. Young men 
and young women must from the first be taught the importance of 
making themselves useful to the community in which they live ; they 
must be taught to fit themselves for some definite vocation. 

It used to be thought that when a young man went to college 
and secured a doctor’s diploma, or when he entered a trade as an 
apprentice, and after a course of years graduated as a journeyman, 
that his education, so far as his vocation was concerned, was finished. 
The usual program for a boy in those days was to spend some years 
in school learning to read, write, and cipher; then, after leaving 
school to spend some time learning a trade or a profession. After 
that his education, so far as books were concerned, was complete. 
This is, however, no longer true, either in the trades or in the pro- 



lO 



The Annals of the American Academy 



fessions. The engineer, the brickmason, the barber, all now have 
learned that in orde-r to keep up wiUi the changes which inventions 
and the constant application of science to daily life are making in 
the trades, it is necessary for them to continue to study and to 
learn. Each one of the trades, just as each one of the higher pro- 
fessions, now has its text-books, magazines and newspapers, which 
any man who wishes to keep up with his trade or his profession 
must read and study. 

To meet the demand for specially trained men in the trades a 
large number of correspondence and continuation schools have come 
into existence. Night schools have been established in many parts 
of the country, where young men and women may learn the trades. 
Most of these schools have conie into existence to meet the demand 
for higher training of those who are already working in some one 
or other of the trades. Many of the large manufacturing companies 
have established trade schools in order to fit young men and women 
to perform work that recpiires skill and special training. All this 
is industrial education, and the fact that these schools have grown 
up to such an extent spontaneously and independently of the com- 
mon school system is an indication of the extent of the need. 

There is one other phase of industrial education which I 
should like to touch upon before I conclude this paper. In recent 
years I have observed that from time to time there has been con- 
siderable complaint to the effect that in the schools the moral and 
religious training of the pupils was not what it should be. A great 
many suggestions have been made as to how this fault, if it exists, 
may be remedied. It has long seemed to me that the ordinary 
training that boys and girls get in the school puts too much em- 
phasis on the merely intellectual side of education. More than once 
it has happened at Tuskegee, for example, that pupils to whom we 
have not felt justified in granting diplomas have gone out into the 
world and proven by their actions that, in all the practical qualifica- 
tions of life, they were better equipped than many of their other 
classmates whose standing was higher in the purely academic studies. 
Several of them have undertaken, either as teachers or leaders of 
their race, to perform a kind of service that was of the very highest 
importance. I have felt at such times that in placing as much 
emphasis as we did upon the merely academic training we had made 



Industrial Education 



II 



a mistake. In several such cases we have sought to rectify this 
error by granting diplomas to these students some years after they 
had permanently left school. 

My experience is that the best way to keep a man from doing 
something bad is to set him to work doing something good. Mr. 
Rudyard Kipling tells a story somewhere of a little kingdom he 
discovered in India in which there w’as one unruly subject. This 
unruly subject, as it turned out, was a native who had some Irish 
blood in his veins. The ruler of this little kingdom had found this 
man so valuable in many ways that he did not want to part with 
him, but he was anxious that he should not be continually in a state 
of insurrection. When Kipling visited the kingdom the king, re- 
garding him as a very wise man, put the case before him for his 
advice. Kipling went to see the man, and after talking wdth him 
sometime, learning something of his history and his ancestry, he 
went back to the king and advised him to make his insubordinate 
subject commander-in-chief of his army. The king took this advice, 
and not only was he no longer troubled by insubordination on the 
part of his new commander-in-chief, but perfect peace and order 
were maintained throughout his whole realm. 

The trouble with most of our moral teaching, I fear, is that 
we are constantly impressing upon our pupils the importance of not 
doing something. Human nature is so constituted that when you 
tell anyone not to do a thing that is usually precisely the thing that 
he or she is most disposed to do. 

I have always thought one reason why we have had compara- 
tively so little difficulty in controlling the raw material that comes to 
us at Tuskegee is due to the fact that when they come here we set 
them to w'ork. Under the direction of their teachers they plough 
and plant the land, milk the cows, care for the mules, saw the 
lumber, make the brick, and erect the buildings. All this time they 
are co-operating wdth each other, wdth their teachers and wdth the 
institution in the building up of the school and, in so far, actively 
sharing all that it represents to them and to their people. They 
get in this way a sense of proprietorship both in the buildings and 
the ideas for which the school stands. In some respects, it seems 
to me, that it is the most valuable part of their education. 

In considering the relation of industrial education to the nation, 
therefore, we should not leave out a consideration of its importance 



12 



The A)inals of the American Academy 



as a method of moral training. The boys and the girls who are 
studying to fit themselves for some definite vocation are gradually 
forming in their minds an ideal of life which is to direct and govern 
their conduct in after life. Ideals thus formed and used in the 
tasks of every-day life mean character in the young men and women 
who possess them. 



THE WORK OF THE NATIONAL SOCIETY FOR THE 
PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION 



By Carroll D. Wright, LL.D./ 
President Clark College, Worcester, Mass. 



The National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Educa- 
tion was organized in November, 1906, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett 
as its president. The aim of the society was to assist in focusing 
public opinion in favor of an educational system that would give 
boys and girls who enter at an early age upon industrial pursuits, an 
adequate preparation for industrial efficiency. As declared by the 
constitution of the society, its objects are, to bring to public atten- 
tion the importance of industrial education as a factor in the indus- 
trial and educational development of the United States ; to provide 
opportunities for the study and discussion of the various phases of 
the problem ; to make available the results of experience in the field 
of industrial education, both in this country and abroad, and to 
promote the establishment of institutions for industrial training. 

The dues of members were fixed at $2.00, sustaining members 
at $25.00 or more, and life members the sum of $250.00 or more. 
The constitution also provided for honorary members consisting of 
persons who have achieved special distinction in promoting indus- 
trial education. It provided for the ordinary officers of a society, a 
board of managers, consisting of a president, vice-president, secre- 
tary, treasurer, and twenty-seven national members ; an executive 
committee, consisting of the president, vice-president, secretary, 
treasurer, and five additional members of the board of managers, 
was also authorized. 

The first annual convention of the society was held in Chicago, 
January 23, 24, 25, 1908. Dr, Pritchett declining to serve for 
another year on account of the pressure of business, Mr. Carroll D. 
Wright was chosen president ; Mr. Magnus W. Alexander, vice-presi- 
dent; Mr. Frederic B. Pratt, treasurer, and Dr. James P. Haney, 
secretary. The representative character of the society is shown by 

^The writer wishes to acknowledge the receipt of information and data from 
Mr. M. W. Alexander and Dr. James P. Haney for the preparation of this article. 



14 



The Annals of the American Academy 



its board of managers, consisting of the officers just named and the 
following additional persons; Henry S. Pritchett, President Car- 
negie Foundation, New York; V. Everit Macy, Chairman Board of 
Trustees, Teachers’ College, New York; Frederick P. Fish, Boston; 
Samuel B. Donnelly, Secretary Building Trades xA.rbitration Board, 
New York ; Frederick Halsey, Editor “American Machinist,” 
New York; Mrs. B. B. Munford, President Richmond Education 
Association, Richmond, Va. ; G. Gunhy Jordan, President Board of 
Trustees, Columbus, Ga. ; Horace E. Deemer, Justice Supreme 
Court, Red Oak, Iowa ; George N. Carman, Director Lewis Insti- 
tute, Chicago, 111. ; Milton P. Higgins, President Norton Company, 
Worcester, Mass. ; Anthony Ittner, President xLnthony Ittner Brick 
Company, St. Louis, Mo. ; John Golden, General President United 
Textile Workers of America, Fall River, Mass. ; Charles R. Rich- 
ards, Columbia University, New York ; Robert A. Woods, Head 
Y’orker South End House, Boston, Mass. ; Mrs. Mary Morton 
Kehew, President Women’s Education and Industrial Lmion, Bos- 
ton, Mass. ; Charles F. Warner, Principal Technical High School, 
Springfield, Mass.; William 11. Pfahler, President Model Heating 
Company, Philadelphia, Pa.; James O’Connell, President Interna- 
tional Association of Machinists, Washington, D. C. ; Charles A. 
Moore, President IVlanning, Maxwell & Moore, New York; Leslie 
W. Miller, Principal Pennsylvania School of Industrial x\rt, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. ; Miss Jane Addams, Head of Hull House, Chicago, 
111.; Frank xA.. Vanderlip, Adee-President National City Bank, New 
York; F. J. McNulty, Grand President International Brotherhood 
of Electrical Workers, Springfield, 111. ; Walter M. Wood, Manager 
of Institutional Work, Young Men’s Christian Association, Chicago, 
111.; Frederick W. Sivyer, President N. W. Malleable Iron Com- 
pany, Milwaukee, Wis. ; Louis Rouillion, Director Educational 
Work, Mechanics’ Institute, New York; John R. Back, Superin- 
tendent F. E. Reed Company, Worcester, Mass. 

On account of the different educational, industrial, and social 
conditions and sentiments that prevail in the various states of the 
Union, the methods for propaganda must of necessity vary, and 
obviously they should be based on a full knowledge of local condi- 
tions. The hoard of managers therefore at the start adopted the 
plan of organizing in each state a nucleus of interest from which 
wise and effective activity might radiate. In accordance with this 



Promotion of Industrial Education 



15 



view, an effort was made to establish state committees in all states 
of the Union, and at the end of the first year of its existence, accord- 
ing to reports made at the convention at Chicago, the society had 
organized thirty-eight state committees composed of people leading 
in various lines of activity. It was the aim, as far as possible, to 
represent the interests of employer and employee, the educator and 
the people at large. And it is worthy of note that, although prac- 
tically all invitations to serve on these committees were necessarily 
extended by letter, prominent men and women everywhere readily 
responded to the call. Thus, under the influence of the national 
society, the problem of industrial education was carried home and 
lodged with the representatives of the following states : Alabama, 
California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Idaho, Illi- 
nois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, IMissouri, Montana, Nebraska, 
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, 
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, 
Texas, Utah, \"ermont, \"irginia, Washington, West Adrginia, and 
Wisconsin. 

Some of the committees immediately devoted themselves to their 
work of arousing and crystallizing public opinion in favor of indus- 
trial education for the boys and girls of their communities. Other 
committees, for various reasons, remained in a somewhat latent 
condition, but were ready, however, to preach the gospel of prac- 
tical education for efiflciency whenever the opportunity might arise. 
Much that has been said in favor of such education in the public 
press and on the lecture platform, and in various articles in promi- 
nent publications, has been the direct or indirect result of the activi- 
ties and influence of state committees. In several instances their 
endeavors have achieved concrete results. The New Jersey com- 
m.ittee, for example, introduced in the legislature and succeeded in 
having passed a bill creating a state commission for the study of 
industrial educational needs of the state, and for such recommenda- 
tions as may lead to the establishment of schools for industrial train- 
ing. The influence of the Wisconsin state committee helped very 
materially in the incorporation of the Milwaukee School of Trades 
under public school auspices, and the enactment of the law which 
makes it possible for other cities of the state to establish public 
trade schools with the aid of special taxation. 



i6 The Annals of the American Academy 

The Ohio state committee made an extensive investigation of 
existing opportunities in the state for industrial training through 
apprenticeships, trade sclrools, and educational classes conducted by 
the Young Men’s Christian Associations and similar bodies. 

The national society, it may legitimately be claimed, has been 
the mainspring of the activities of the state committees, in that it 
assisted with the influence of the national movement in the dissemi- 
nation of literature bearing on the problem, and with such other 
advice as it could extend through conferences, lectures, and corre- 
spondence. In order that the members of state committees might ex- 
change more fully their experiences and their views of the common 
problem, thereby giving as well as receiving advice, delegates from 
all states were invited to meet in Chicago on January 23, 1908, the 
opening day of the first convention of the national society, for a dis- 
cussion of methods to promote industrial education. Considering the 
newness of the national movement and the very unfavorable business 
conditions prevailing at that time throughout the country, the at- 
tendance of delegates from seventeen state committees showed 
clearly the general interest in the cause, and indicated that the 
formation of such committees by the national society was a move in 
the right direction. 

The exchange of views from all parts of the United States was 
of the greatest value in establishing the policy of the national so- 
ciety. In this exchange two significant expressions of the meeting 
were embodied in two resolutions, the one calling for the appoint- 
m.ent of a national commissioner who should devote his whole time 
to propaganda for industrial education and to the upbuilding and co- 
ordinating of the state organizations. The commissioner was to be 
ready to accept calls to any part of the country for the purpose of 
presenting the policies of the society and the need of some methods 
of organized industrial training. The second resolution recom- 
mended the conversion of the state committees into self-acting and 
self-supporting state branches of the national society. Such state 
branches might be incorporated under state laws and thus secure a 
more direct personal influence on the citizens of the different states. 

After the adoption of these resolutions by the representatives 
of the state committees the society at its annual meeting endorsed 
them, and directed the governing board to carry them into effect. 
Inadequate financial resources have, however, so far stood in the 



Promotion of Industrial Ediicatio)i 



17 



way of the appointment of a national commissioner under the above 
recommendation. However, the vice-president, Mr. Alexander, has, 
without compensation, performed the services of a national commis- 
sioner, so far as his time would permit. It is hoped that the inspira- 
tion of the next convention, which is to be held at Atlanta, Georgia, 
will bring the necessary support, in order that the services of a 
national commissioner may be secured and his work properly 
financed. 

On the other hand, the details of the plan to convert state 
committees into state branches have been worked out, the work itself 
has been started and has advanced as far as the short space extend- 
ing over the summer period would permit. The purpose of this 
plan is to extend still further the original policy of the society of 
entrusting to the men and women of a state the promotion of that 
kind of industrial education that a full knowledge of the social, 
educational, and industrial conditions and sentiments prevailing in 
the state would recommend, and to unite the interested people of a 
commonwealth for active work that must appeal to them with 
particular force, as it deals with the needs and well-being of their 
own community. 

The solution of the problem of industrial education in the 
United States, after all, consists of the practical working out of the 
problem in the various communities of the countrv. The chief 
service that the national society can perform lies in its ability to 
stimulate individual community efforts, and to offer leadership and 
guidance, to the end that all state branches may work in co-operation, 
and that each may benefit by the advice and experience of the others. 
In this way the movement will emanate from many sources and 
spread over the country, instead of starting as a general issue with 
an endeavor to find practical application. 

Under the plan of state branch organization the national society 
will ultimately have no direct membership, aside from honorary and 
life members, but will become a federation of state branches and 
the central source of information and advice for the working out 
of the problem of industrial education with and through the state 
branches. In fact, it would be the great clearing house for indus- 
trial education. 

In order to carry this plan into effect the national society 
decided that all present and future members should be assigned to 



i8 The Annals of the American Academy 

direct membership in the respective state branches as soon as such 
should be formed, and that they should also be considered members 
at large of the national society, enjoying as such the rights and 
privileges of branch-general membership. 

It was further agreed that the membership fee should be shared, 
in order that the state branch might carry on state propaganda, and 
the national society maintain its central organization and continue 
the publication of bulletins on the various phases of the problem. 
The state branches would, therefore, have a financial as well as 
technical interest in increasing their membership and in extending 
the influence of the society. 

At the meeting on March 14, 1908, the executive committee of 
the national society, in carrying out the direction of the society 
itself, adopted a set of by-laws governing the organization of state 
branches. These by-laws were to serve as a model, or rather as 
suggestions, for the state branches. The following provisions were 
suggested : 

First. Each state branch must have a membership of at least fifty mem- 
bers at all times, and its constitution and by-laws must be approved by the 
executive committee of the national society. 

Second. Members of the state branches shall be members of the national 
society and entitled to the privileges of such, and all members of the national 
society shall be assigned to membership in their respective state branches. 

Third. All membership dues shall be forwarded to the treasurer of the 
national society, who shall return to the state branch $1.00 per member 
per year. 

Fourth. Each state must hold its annual meeting in September or October 
of each year, so as to precede the annual meeting of the national society. 

Fifth. The secretary of each state branch shall forward to the secretary 
of the national society a copy of the minutes of all meetings of the branch. 
The national secretary shall forward to all members of the state branches 
the publications issued by the national society. 

A full and detailed constitution was adopted for the use of 
branches, a copy of which can be obtained at any time from the 
secretary of the national society. The state branches which have 
already been formed have accepted this proposed constitution, either 
in full or with slight modifications. 

The first state branch was organized in Georgia as a result of 
a visit of the vice-president of the society to Atlanta, Columbus and 
Savannah, and more directly under the stimulus of the decision of 



Promotion of Industrial Education 



'9 



the national society to hold its second convention in Atlanta in 
November, 1908. Over one hundred prominent men of Georgia 
immediately joined the new branch, and as many more will un- 
doubtedly be added to the list before the convention takes place, when 
the Georgia state branch will act as the host of the national society. 
Great efforts are being made by this branch to give the meeting of 
the national society in Georgia the importance and significance it 
deserves. 

On the occasion of his visit to Atlanta the vice-president of the 
society, J\Ir. Alexander, attended a public meeting at Richmond, 
where he addressed an audience on the importance of industrial 
education for the development of our national resources, and ex- 
plained the advantages to Virginia of a self-acting and self-support- 
ing branch in that state. The Virginia state committee subsequently 
resolved itself into a state branch with thirty-six charter members. 

In April last the state committee of Rhode Island held a meet- 
ing at Providence for the purpose of organizing a Rhode Island 
state branch, and after various addresses such a branch was formed, 
with many prominent people of the state as members. Alabama 
soon after organized a state branch with influential men in the prin- 
cipal cities of the state as sponsors. A branch has been formed in 
Iowa. The Massachusetts state committee recently converted itself 
into a state branch with 106 members. The state committees of 
New York, New Jersey, Maryland, ^Montana, Indiana, Pennsylvania 
and Texas have already made plans for the conversion of their state 
committees into branches, and similar action is expected of many 
other state committees in the near future. 

The methods of organization in the Georgia, Rhode Island and 
Massachusetts state branches indicate the three principal plans that 
mav be followed in forming such branches. The state committee may 
enlarge its membership to at least the required number of fifty and 
thereupon at a regular meeting resolve itself into a branch under 
the by-laws of the national society as above, or it may arrange a 
public meeting in the interest of industrial education, at the close 
of which the state branch may be organized, or the members of the 
national society residing in the state may be called to a meeting for 
the purpose of forming a state branch. Local conditions will deter- 
mine which of these three methods shall be adopted in each par- 
ticular case. The arranging of a public meeting with an appropriate 



20 



The Annals of the .-Inicrican Academy 



program will likely prove of the greatest efficiency in reaching the 
desired end, and at the same time in arousing public opinion in favor 
of industrial education. If the national society had had the services 
of a commissioner who could visit the different cities in all parts of 
the country it would undoubtedly have acquired a larger number of 
state branches. 

In order that the policy of the national society mav be carried 
out to its fullest extent, it strongly appeals to all state committees 
and all individual members for their support, to the end that the 
problem of industrial education in each state may soon be worked 
out by a strong and active state branch. Only as a federation of 
state branches will the national society he able to demonstrate its 
greatest value to the country. 

In addition to the general aims of the national organization, as 
provided in the constitution, it has been declared by the executive 
committee, under authorization of the board of managers, that the 
committee interprets the objects of the society to include the pro- 
motion of education in the mechanical trades in their relation to 
agriculture and mining. This broadens the original scope of the 
society so that nearly every phase of industrial education may be 
considered. 

The publicity work of the society is carried on through the 
secretary’s office. The society has published six bulletins and has 
several others in preparation. A vast deal of work is performed in 
this direction by papers and magazines which have signified their 
desire to receive Information published bv the society. Such re- 
quests have come from nearly i.ooo publications. 

The society is extending its influence in various ways by co- 
operating with other organizations. For instance, the society was 
represented at the meeting of the American Federation of Labor in 
Washington in 1907 by its then secretary, Prof. C. R. Richards, who 
spoke on the plans and aims of the national society. It also joined, 
through Messrs. Rouillion and Richards, in co-operation with the 
National Educational Association. The vice-president, at the invita- 
tion of the Secretary of Agriculture, conferred with various officers 
of the government in regard to bills pending in congress providing 
for national aid to the states in the matter of industrial and aericul- 

o 

tural instruction. Dr. James P. Haney, the present secretary of the 
society, represented it at the Third Annual Congress on Art Edu- 



Prouiotion of Industrial Education 



21 



ciation, which met in London in August, 1908. A committee con- 
sisting of Messrs. Pritchett, Richards and Higgins was formed to 
confer with a like committee of the Society for the Promotion of 
Engineering Education to secure co-operation and avoid duplication 
of work. 

Upon the suggestion of the board of managers a committee 
of ten was appointed last spring to consider and report upon the 
relation of industrial training to our public school system. This 
committee consists of Dr. H. S. Pritchett, President Carnegie 
Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, New York, Chair- 
man ; Prof. Paul Hanus, School of Pedagogy, Cambridge, Mass. ; 
IM. W. Alexander, General Electric Company, West Lynn, Mass. ; 
President E. J. James, of the University of Illinois, Urbana, 111 . ; 
Hon. Elmer E. Brown, Commissioner of Education, Washington, 
D. C. ; Dr. Thomas M. Bailliet, School of Pedagogy, New York 
University ; Prof. Leslie W. Miller, Principal School of Industrial 
Art, Philadelphia ; Dr. Charles S. Howe, Principal Case School of 
Applied Science, Cleveland.; Mr. L. D. Harvey, Superintendent of 
Schools, Menominee, Wis. ; and Dr. William H. Maxwell, Super- 
intendent of Public Schools, New York City. 

Much is expected from this committee. It has broad lines on 
which to conduct its inquiries, and the personnel guarantees the 
thoroughness of the work. The matters referred to the committee 
were the subject of a resolution adopted by the board of managers in 
January, 1908, as follows: 

Resolved, That a constructive study of the possibilities of industrial edu- 
cation under public direction should be an important phase of the society’s 
work for the following year, and that for this purpose the following com- 
mittee be appointed to report at the second annual meeting of the society : 

(a) A committee upon the problem of industrial training for boys and 
girls from fourteen to sixteen years of age. 

ih) A committee upon the organization of public technical high schools. 

(c) A committee upon the organization of public evening industrial 
schools. 

Another resolution was also adopted to the effect 

That the board of managers feel that one of the most serious questions 
facing the development of industrial education is concerned with the problem 
of efficient teachers, and that this problem be made a special subject of study 
by the executive committee during the coming year. 



22 The Annals of the American Academy 

All these matters were referred to the committee of ten and 
will be carefully and fully considered by that committee. 

With this outline of the work contemplated by the National 
Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, it will he seen 
at once that its chief need, like the chief need of all such organiza- 
tions, is a sufficient amount of money to carry on its work of 
propaganda for a few years. Probably $25,000 a year for three 
years will carry its work from the national point of view to such an 
e.xtent that state branches will take care of its immediate application. 

Efforts are being made to secure the incorporation of the 
society by congress, and to that end a hill to incorporate the Na- 
tional Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education was intro- 
duced in the Senate of the United States by Senator Lodge May 7, 
1908, and is now pending. 

The society appeals through its finance committee, as repre- 
sented by its treasurer, to the generosity and philanthropy of men 
of means, feeling thoroughly convinced that there is no direction in 
which money can be spent with greater expectation of good results 
than in the work it is doing. It is only one of the great instru- 
mentalities making for the general uplifting of the young people of 
our country and enabling them to secure em])loyment in .skilled 
trades, rather than to idle their lives away or waste them in unskilled 
callings. 

The society has made a splendid beginning ; its first convention 
was gratifying from every point of view. It brought together men 
from all parts of the country, speakers of note and reputation 
along the lines relating to general industrial training. These annual 
conventions are national. They speak to the whole country and not 
to a single community, and should they in the future rise to the 
standard of the first much good will result. 



VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND TRADE TEACHING IN 
THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS 



By James Parton Haney, 

Secretary of the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, 
and Director of Art and Manual Training in the Public Schools 
of New York City (Manhattan and the Bronx). 



Certain elements of difficulty present themselves in any dis- 
cussion of vocational teaching, owing to the fact that the average 
school officer thinks in this connection of a boy of one age, while 
the employer or director of a trade school thinks of a boy of a 
different age. The latter has no suggestion to offer as to the voca- 
tional training of the boy before the sixteenth year, wdiile the former 
is most concerned as to the future of that great army of boys who 
pass out from the schools at the age of fourteen, whether or not 
they have reached the highest grammar grade. 

The school officer is perturbed when he reflects on the two 
years which these boys must waste before they can, as apprentices, 
gain admission to any shop. The average trade school teacher 
looks with equanimity upon, and at times even commends, this 
state of affairs, urging that it shows the brightest boys that their ad- 
vance must depend upon their obtaining more definite and valuable 
instruction than any they can secure through the indifferent training 
of the factory. Boys thus convinced of the necessity of trade 
teaching, and willing to make sacrifices of time and wages that 
they may spend a year or more in the trade school, form, in the 
judgment of trade teachers, those most likely to be benefited. 
Undoubtedly this is in large measure true, but the process is 
clearly a survival of the fittest, and one repugnant to every teacher 
genuinely interested in seeking to devise methods of instruction 
which will serve to promote the retention in school of as large a 
number of pupils as possible, to the end that each may be schooled 
to produce his best. 

In order to clarify the general discussion, it is therefore to be 
premised that, as students of various ages must be considered, no 
one type of school will meet all requirements. Second, it is to 



24 



The Annals of the A)iierican Academy 



be noted that trade teaching as such, is not to be thought of before 
the age of sixteen. The uniform experience of trade school teachers 
as evidenced in the requirements of trade schools, both public and 
private, makes it plain that the boy before the age of sixteen is not 
wanted in any shop, and is not physically able to do the work 
required in a trade school. The writer, called upon recently to 
review the possibilities of introducing vocational teaching into the 
public schools of a large city system, prepared a statement from 
which the following matter is taken. "" 

That which is termed "the curriculum” of the elementary 
school, lays its chief emphasis on subjects of general culture value. 
None of the studies, as presented, touches in any direct way the 
industrial environment of the pupil, nor do the subjects, except 
in certain phases of the number work, concern themselves directly 
with problems which appear concrete and useful to one of voca- 
tional bent. The course is one dealing much with theory, but com- 
paratively little with practice. It places its emphasis on mental 
rather than on manual achievement. The pupil who is brilliant 
mentally, prospers and has his work commended, but the pupil wIkj 
leans toward vocational work, and who lacks ability or interest in 
mental performance comes in for serious criticism. As a whole 
this system stands for a training of the thinker rather than the doer, 
the time given to manual performance being but a very small fraction 
of that given to school work as a whole. 

The manual training which is now offered in elementary 
schools is developmental and socializing. Its purpose is a general 
training, not a special one. Manual training as an element of the 
elementary curriculum has an important role to play, but tins role 
is not vocational in character. As a subject, this training is one 
to be pursued through the entire elementary course. It looks to 
a general schooling of the pupil in intelligence and skill, and offers 
its advantages alike to pupils bright and dull. It may properlv 
prepare for further study of an industrial character, but it is not 
itself to be developed on vocational lines. 

Vocational work, on the other hand, should be special and 
intensive. It should give those pupils who have a general bent 
toward the arts much direct training in shop methods and shop 
standards. Vocational training should, therefore, follow the gen- 
eral manual training of the elementary schools. It should rise out 



Trade Teaching in Public Schools 



^5 



of such training, and look not to general but to special development 
of the pupil’s ability and skill. iNIanual training is part of a general 
educational system to be pursued in the early years by all ; voca- 
tional training is part of a system of industrial education to be 
pursued by those desirous of entering the trades. The aim of the 
latter should be to give the pupil insight that will later enable him 
to make an intelligent choice of some specific vocation. 

While, therefore, the manual work of the elementary schools 
has a distinct function to perform, there is increasing weight of 
evidence to show that it is not a subject of the elementary school 
system adapted to meet the vocational needs of its pupils. This 
need is not to be met by a reorganization of the manual work of the 
grades, but rather by changes in the system itself, in aspects in which 
it is inadecjuate to meet the demands made upon it. In the main 
our system as differing from that of continental Europe does not 
take cognizance of the probable destinies of its pupils. Based on 
principles assumed to be democratic, it makes no distinction of 
mental capacity and proclivity, but offers the same preparation to 
those who are to go into the professions and to those who are to 
enter the commercial and artisan world. That such preparation 
cannot be uniformly satisfactory is manifest not only from the 
failure of a large number of pupils to cope successfully with its 
requirements, but in the complaints of employers that the public 
school graduate is ill prepared for life as a worker and that he has by 
the schools rather been trained away from that life than toward it. 

Large numbers of pupils leave the elementary school before 
completing the course. These will be found chiefly in two classes. 
First, those who are not mentally equipped to complete the work as 
at present arranged for the higher grades, and second, those with 
strong vocational inclination who are dissatisfied with the school’s 
curriculum, and seek the first opportunity to enter on a vocational 
career. The former pupils are the so-called over-age children of 
the lower grades. Slower than their mates, they take as early an 
opportunity as possible to secure their work-papers and leave the 
field of their unsuccessful effort. 

But once out in the industrial field the boy from fourteen to 
sixteen finds that he is not wanted as an apprentice or learner in any 
trade. He is too immature physically to meet the demands made 
upon the adult in the factory or the shop. If admitted it is only to 



26 



The Annals of the American Academy 



serve as errand boy or as assistant in the performance of some 
routine of unimportant mechanical work, but as errand boy, feeder 
or helper he receives practically no instruction and is paid a very 
trifling wage. There is a serious economic loss both to state and 
worker under these conditions. The hoy has lost school training 
on the one hand and is unable to recompense himself by adequate 
technical instruction on the other. With such defective preparation 
it is not to be expected that he will develop into a "workman of 
great value. 

The recent well-known report of the Industrial Commission of 
the State of Massachusetts stated that 25,000 children were found 
to he in the vocational field between the ages of fourteen and six- 
teen. Most of these children were drifting about from one position 
to another in the endeavor to secure some permanent foothold. In 
the words of the compilers of the report: “For the great majority 

of children who leave school to enter employments at fourteen and 
fifteen, the first three or four years are practically waste years, so 
far as the productive value of the child, and so far as increasing his 
industry and productive efficiency are concerned. The employments 
upon which they enter demand so little individual skill that they are 
not educative in any sense.” 

From this statement it might be inferred that the most im- 
portant part of industrial teaching dealt with pupils between the 
ages of fourteen and sixteen — the “waste years.” In reality the 
question is one which should deal with the pupil before the age of 
fourteen, for, unless he has received some definite vocational interest 
and bent before he has reached the limits of his compulsory school- 
ing, he leaves the elementary school without insight or training in 
any of the things which make for the successful choice and pursuit 
of a vocation. 

While therefore trade teaching as such cannot he advocated 
for the immature pupils of the elementary school, prcf>arafor\ z'oea- 
tional training must come to he seen as a necessarv preliminary to 
the development of what may he termed the clientele of the trade 
school. The years for such training are the sixth, seventh and 
eighth years of the elementary school course, and the two years 
immediately succeeding. The first three of these are the years when 
the pupils are most prone to leave school, while the last two form 
the period when his services in the trade are as yet undesired. By 



Trade Teaching in Public Schools 



27 



the sixth year the mental capacity and bent of the pupils may be 
determined. If those who lean toward vocational work can have 
their interests met at this stage, it may reasonably be expected that 
a very considerable number of them will be induced to remain in 
the school through the period of the usual elementary schooling, 
while many will in addition continue for one or more of the sec- 
ondary years if these offer instruction particularly planned for the 
vocationally inclined. 

It is believed that the condition most essential to the success 
of a school planned to give this vocational training will depend on 
its establishment as a new and separate unit in the school system, 
one officered by a corps of instructors especially chosen because 
of their vocational knowledge and specific interest in the form of 
instruction to be given. The school should be one planned to per- 
form a particular service. It should offer to the pupils the definite 
aim of vocational preparation, beginning some time before the com- 
pletion of their compulsory school period, and by the practical 
nature of its teaching striving to hold them after such period 
through the critical two years which follow. If the course of study 
is so organized, difficulties will be obviated, which would inevitably 
affect the success of a plan giving vocational training in the higher 
years of the elementary school, as at present organized, or in the 
lower years of a high school course, extended downward into the 
grades. In either case the vocational work would be incidental to 
the general curriculum, tacked on and loosely articulated wfith the 
regular course of study. The preparatory vocational school de- 
mands, on the contrary, that the vocational subjects be the center 
and core of its teaching. Both pupils and parents must see the 
school as one giving a preparation so direct and valuable to the 
future worker in the trades, that its graduate may count upon his 
knowledge as an immediate asset in securing him a shortened 
apprenticeship, and a speedier advance in wages. 

Entrance into the preparatory vocational .school should natu- 
rally be offered as an elective, that is, the school should be organized 
in any district in a city in which the defection in the sixth and 
seventh years is now most marked, and should offer its courses to 
those pupils only who might choose to follow its curriculum rather 
than that of the grades as at present arranged. 



28 



The Annals of the Ainerican Academy 



Curriculum for Vocational Schools 

The curriculum of the vocational schools should require con- 
siderable training in hand work during the first year with additional 
emphasis on this work in the succeeding years. With this hand 
work there should be offered related lessons in English, geography, 
history, physics, arithmetic and drawing. Shop discipline and 
methods should form an important element in the practical work, 
and visits to shops in operation should be required. All of the 
subjects should be developed from the vocational point of view 
with particular emphasis on the parts they have to play in further- 
ing the student’s practical knowledge of the industrial world. 
While the students might be called upon for a comparatively small 
amount of home work, it is believed that they would profit by a 
school day longer than now required. In any occupation their 
services would be demanded at least eight hours a day. In the 
vocational school they might well be required to receive seven 
hours of instruction and practice each school day. So arranged 
and without being unduly fatiguing, the course would offer an 
extended and valuable training in both theory and practice. In the 
technical branches the teachers should be especially qualified by 
actual trade experience. They should be skilled workmen of high 
intelligence, that they might be able to hold up before their boys 
the best standards of the crafts. 

In the first year of the proposed school the shop work 
should aim to familiarize the pupils with the use of woodworking 
tools and with the handling of simple pieces of machinery like the 
speed lathe. In the second year it would also be possible to offer 
work in metal both in the form of chipping and filing at the vise 
and in the working of brass at the speed lathe. The great accuracv 
that is required in the metal work, and its fundamental relation to 
many mechanical operations, would make it a highly useful method 
of introducing the pupil to representative forms of industrial prac- 
tice. It is to be noted that all the different types of work suggested 
are within the physical ability of the pupils between the ages of 
eleven and fourteen. 

In the higher years of the vocational school it would be neces- 
sary to differentiate the departments of instruction to the end that 
the student might elect to pursue his vocational work along the lines 



Trade Teaching in Public Schools 



29 



of woodworking or machine shop practice, electrical work, etc. In 
the extended development of several of these preparatory vocational 
schools, it would undoubtedly be of advantage to organize each 
school to lead to a particular group of industries. One might pre- 
pare apprentices for the building trades, another for the metal work- 
ing trades, a third for the printing trades, and so on. The satisfac- 
tory differentiation of the work in the higher grades of the voca- 
tional school is a matter only to' be determined by trial and experi- 
mentation. It must, how'ever, be carefully noted that the school 
proposed should not undertake to graduate pupils equipped to enter 
the trades in any capacity save that of an apprentice already consid- 
erably advanced in technical knowledge, and possessed of skill suffi- 
cient to enable him quickly to assimilate the particular knowledge 
of any specialized industry rising out of the course he has followed. 

It is assumed that with this knowledge and skill the 
advantage of a shortened apprenticeship will be offered to the 
graduate. In view of the almost uniform statements of em- 
ployers this belief is held justifiable. In any large city it may 
safely be premised that a number of employers will be found 
willing to accept the vocational school graduate, and to ad- 
vance him more rapidly in his apprenticeship than the unskilled 
applicant who enters without knowledge or insight into processes 
and without training preparing him to adapt himself readily to the 
different forms of work required of the learner. The immediate co- 
ordination between the vocational school and employers is a neces- 
sary and purposed part of the plan proposed. It would act directly 
to interest a large number of practical men in the work of the 
schools, while it offered to the pupil the stimulus which comes from 
a realization that, on the completion of his course, he will be put 
immediately in the way of entering on his chosen vocation under 
conditions more favorable than could otherwise be the case. 

Another important element commending a school looking only 
to the preparation of the apprentice for his apprenticeship, is the 
fact that it will not act to arouse the opposition of organized labor, 
which looks with suspicion on any scheme which undertakes to 
throw upon the labor market many young and indifferently skilled 
artisans whose number and whose willingness to accept employment 
at less than the usual wage, tend to lower the standard of living for 
all workmen in the trade. 



30 



The .liumls of the Aiiierican Acade)ity 



Trade Teaching for Those Already in the Trade 

Two types of schools would serve to give trade instruction to 
those already engaged as apprentices. One of these exists in the 
furm of evening classes, as at present organized, in machine shop 
practice, plumbing and carpentry in the manual training high schools 
of various cities. Fully developed, an evening school of this kind 
would offer a number of dift'erent courses of a very practical nature, 
each planned to forward the student as rapidly as possible through 
o])erations designed to acquaint him with the use of tools and ma- 
chines with which as an apprentice he would become very slowly 
familiar in the routine of the factory. The evening trade school 
should seek to shorten the apprenticeship of the worker by advanc- 
ing him to a broad knowledge of the technique of his vocation. It 
should supplement mechanical exercises with explanations as to the 
reasons for each operation, the theory on which it is founded, and 
the material with which it deals. Ifmphasis is laid on the fact that 
students in this school should be actually at work in the trade, put- 
ting into daily practice the knowledge which they gain at night. 
This knowledge should be supplementary to the practical work of 
the shop ; it cannot take the place of this work. 

In connection with the above plan very valuable teaching might 
be done by offering, from time to time, brief courses designed to 
give instruction in some special feature of a single trade. These 
courses, properly advertised among the apprentices of that trade, 
would undoubtedly serve to attract a number who might be prepared 
to attend for a limited number of weeks, though they might not be 
in a position to take a more lengthy and elaborate course of instruc- 
tion. It is urged that serious consideration be given to this plan 
for developing short evening school courses of a highly specialized 
nature. As a method of supplementary trade teaching it has much 
to commend it. 

The second type of trade school designed to assist apprentices 
in the trade is the so-called “Partial-time school.’’ This has been 
repeatedly advocated, but it is believed has not as yet been fully 
developed, except in the Cincinnati School of Engineering, where 
there are a number of students now taking a six-year course, three 
years of which are in the laboratories of the school and in the 
various shops in the city. In this school the student is required to 



Trade Teaching in Public Schools 31 

work alternate weeks at the university and in the machine shop. 
The latter pays him for his time, and the wages earned amount in 
six years to $2,000. 

Continuation Schools for Apprentices 

In addition to direct trade teaching, "continuation instruction” 
should be offered to apprentices desirous of furthering their general 
knowledge of subjects not immediately vocational, but intimately 
related to their successful training as artisans. This instruction 
should be given in evening schools in the form of industrial 
mathematics, drawing, economics, etc. In pursuit of this plan it 
would be entirely possible to develop a continuation evening school 
for those in the machine trades and another for the building trades, 
a third for those practicing the arts, and a fourth whose work- 
brought them into the widening field of chemistry and electricity. 

Mention should also be made of the plan now in operation in 
Chicago of offering day continuation schooling to carpenters’ ap- 
prentices for four months each winter. In a report on this Chicago 
day apprentice school, rendered by the principal, William J. Bogan, 
in 1906, it was noted that the daily average attendance for the term 
was 228, the average age of the pupils being nineteen years. The 
instruction given included work in English, arithmetic and industrial 
drawing. The carpenters’ union exacts fines of apprentices who do 
not attend. The school has already had a measure of success, its 
most noteworthy feature appearing in the willingness on the part of 
the unions to aid in raising the standards of intelligence of their 
workmen. With further experience and the inclusion of courses 
that would make strong practical appeal to the apprentices, there 
would seem to be good ground for a belief that this day continuation 
school will come to occupy a permanent place in every scheme of 
trade teaching. An important element in the plan is the fact that the 
apprentices in the Chicago school are paid by their employers while 
in attendance. 

The Day Trade School 

No discussion of this subject should be closed without reference 
to the plan recently adopted in Milwaukee. In this city a trade 
school was opened in January, 1906, by the Merchants' and Manu- 
facturers’ Association. Short trade courses were organized offering 



3 ^ 



The Annals of the American Academy 



five months in plumbing and a ten-months' course in pattern- 
making, foundry work, machine work and toolmaking. 

The minimum age of admission in the Milwaukee school is 
sixteen years, and the candidate must have had school training 
equivalent to at least eight years in the public schools. Since the 
opening of the school it has been incorporated into the public school 
system of the city, but it remains to be seen whether it can success- 
fullv be developed as a part of that system. The work it offers 
resembles in some respects that recommended for the last two years 
of the preparatory vocational school, but differs from the latter in 
the requirement that the pupils must have reached sixteen years of 
age before entrance, and in the emphasis that it places upon the 
intensive study of the mechanics of a single trade. 

If, as observed in the case of the preparatory vocational school, 
this school of the trades avoids offering its graduates as completely 
equipped apprentices prepared to undertake journeyman’s work it 
will escape the otherwise inevitable opposition of organized labor. 
If, on the other hand, its graduates do not become regular appren- 
tices after leaving the school, but are exploited by employers in 
competition with the rank and file of the wage earners, then the 
systematic opposition of labor will be likely, in time, seriously to 
curtail its activities. Finally, it should be noted that, though this 
school develops in the most successful manner, it never can be more 
than the capstone of a system which should begin with pupils several 
years younger. Undertaking trade teaching, it properly limits the 
age of those who enter to sixteen years, but, as has been previously 
stated, the important problem of the elementarv school is that which 
seeks a method of training pupils beween the age of twelve and 
sixteen. It may be definitely asserted that no trade school, organ- 
ized as such, can adequately solve this problem ; Its solution lies in 
the development of the preparatory vocational school. 



ELEMENTARY TRADE TEACHING 



By Charles H. Morse, 

Secretary and Executive Officer, Massachusetts Commission on Industrial 

Education, Boston. 



The subject of elementary trade teaching pertains to the most 
urgent educational need of the present time, viz., industrial educa- 
tion. It is fortunate that we can all agree that there are educational 
needs, and that our present system of education cannot, from the 
very nature of the case, be final, for there can be no such thing as 
finality in education as long as man continues to develop. We catch 
the cue-word of the most urgent educational need from the very age 
itself in which we are now living, the Industrial Age. Eor it is 
the conditions of this age which have made so plainly evident to us 
a great shortcoming of our present system of public education. 

In reaching, perhaps I may almost say groping, after the 
ideal system of public education, we have, during the past three 
decades, successively added to our school system the kindergarten, 
the manual training and the commercial schools. These, with the 
exception of the last, have been cultural developments, and even the 
commercial instruction is usually treated as a "cultural” subject. 

But even with these additions we still find our free school sys- 
tem so far from being ideal that it sends out into the world at about 
the age of fourteen years the great majority of its pupils without 
giving them any idea of life’s possibilities, to say nothing of a lack 
of training which would enable them to enter, with some degree of 
preliminary preparation, upon lines of productive work. It is not 
generally realized how completely our present educational system 
shuts out, and how completely our educators lose sight of, those 
who drop out of school between the ages of twelve and sixteen. 
Many of these ex-pupils enter commercial ranks, but the majority- 
join the army of hand-workers and producers. 

It is not an ideal free school system which does not guide the 
child who is to leave school near the upper limit of compulsory 
school attendance in the selection of a life work, and furnish him 
with some degree of preparation for entering upon that work. The 



34 



The Annals of the American Academy 



free school should at least give the future hand-workers such a 
preparation for life’s work that they may make the most of life’s 
oportunities. 

The need of industrial schools is brought about by the demands 
and conditions of the present day. The youth cannot become a 
skilled industrial worker without a preparatory training. The old- 
time apprenticeship system, in which the master workman taught the 
youth, under his own eye, the necessary work and even the secrets 
of his trade, has gone by. In fact, it could not exist under the 
present-day industrial conditions. Still the demand for highly 
skilled workers has grown enormously and is on the increase. 
Indeed, so great is the present-day demand that the majority of the 
youth, at least of young men, who reach the age of self-support 
enter upon some form of industrial work. 

Fortunately, we do not have to discuss from the beginning the 
propriety of making the professional training of youth a public edu- 
cation matter, for that question was decided in the affirmative by 
the introduction of commercial instruction in the public schools. If 
enough pupils are expected to enter upon commercial life to justify 
public commercial instruction, how much more do the greater num- 
ber who enter upon industrial life justify industrial instruction at 
public e.xpcnse ? 

It has been found, however, that separate commercial high 
schools are necessary to meet modern business demands, and all the 
more will separate industrial schools be needed to meet industrial 
demands, because trade processes must be taught by skilled special- 
ists, and the general supervision which will suffice even for a com- 
mercial school will not be sufficient for an industrial school. In 
the establishment of industrial schools for youths we are but ex- 
tending, that is, carrying down, the idea of professional training 
to a legitimate public education field. 

It cannot be too strongly stated that the average pupil who 
goes to recruit the ranks of the hand-workers merely drifts along 
almost aimlessly, and is not guided as he should be. It is the rare 
exception that such a child has a definite object and ambition 
aroused during his school years. The cause for this state of affairs 
is to be found both in the home and the school. In the average home 
the specific future of the child is not dwelt upon, although there 
may be frequent references to the early time at which he must get 



Elementary Trade Teaching 



35 



to work and earn his own living and help to support the family. But 
no objective goal is constantly held up to the child towards which 
he must shape his course and concerning which he may be gradually 
acquiring information by observation and from periodicals and books. 
The average American home which sends recruits to the industrial 
ranks offers no opportunity for the child to obtain the necessary 
inspiration, encouragement and accumulation of knowledge to enable 
him to begin his life’s work with a settled purpose “with his eyes 
wide open.’’ 

Even those who continue their school course after leaving the 
grammar school are too frequently purposeless in their aim, in 
fact, have no aims. In my own city, where the Latin school, which 
prepares for college, the high school and the manual training school 
are all grouped, almost at the gates of Harvard University, I have 
know'll of cases where the grammar school graduate has started out 
from home, on the proper September morning, to begin his sec- 
ondary school education, but wdth no idea as to which school he 
W'Ould attend. He finally joins a group of children likewise bound 
for the secondary school, and follows, perhaps, some individual wdth 
whom he may have entered into school-boy conversation, or he 
follow's the largest group into some one of the higher schools, to 
him it matters not which. Thus chance determines his future edu- 
cation and his life’s work. But the other group, the five-sixths, 
who leave school at or about the close of the grammar school years, 
is the one that deserves special consideration, and it is this class to 
which the independent industrial schools will appeal. 

First the question comes up, “What can the teachers in the 
elementary public schools do to promote a more satisfactory condi- 
tion in those schools?” There can be no doubt that more and more 
it is devolving on the teachers in the lower grades to counsel and 
guide pupils regarding their life w'ork : and to meet this will require 
broader views, broader methods and broader sympathies than are 
found to-day among the rank and file of our teachers. This means 
that better pay must be provided to attract to the teaching profession 
men and women of the highest qualifications in both social and 
mental training ; and that a preparation for their profession shall 
be given them that shall enable them to cope successfully with the 
practical problems that they must meet. In the selection of a 
teacher, the environment in which he has been brought up, his views 



36 The Annals of the American ALademy 

and tastes, in other words, his personality, must be given as much 
weight as his intellectual attainments in prescribed lines. 

There are needed teachers of warm sympathies and enthusiasms 
who have sufficient interest to keep in touch with those of their 
former pupils who have of necessity or choice gone out into the 
world to begin the doing of their life work. We must take it for 
granted that those remaining in school and passing on to higher 
grades are properly looked after. The slight extent to which teach- 
ers follow out into the world the pupils who spend their last school 
year with them is truly lamentable. It is astonishing to find in how 
few instances even cold and formal statistical records are kept by 
the schools regarding those pupils who have gone out from the 
schools. 

There should be no real industrial education, as I understand 
the term, undertaken before the child is fourteen years of age. This 
means a beginning at about the end of the ninth school year. For 
nearly two years the term “industrial education’’ has been used by 
the Massachusetts Commission on Industrial Education to mean 
trade education. But this does not mtan a trade education as 
understood by some to signify the instruction given in a school 
which teaches a degree of manipulative skill in the shortest possible 
time without regard to a thorough preparation for a trade. In the 
majority of cases in this country manual training courses are given 
by men or women who have never learned a trade of any kind, and 
they deny with much feeling that their courses should be treated as 
other than cultural. Manual training should be given in all the 
school grades from the kindergarten up. But do not let us deceive 
ourselves. Such courses are no more industrial courses than the 
penmanship courses or the drawing courses now given in our ele- 
mentary schools are industrial courses. 

If I must plan a course that will ultimately lead to a trade, 
beginning with boys at twelve who are residents of a city, the 
course for the first two years would not materially differ from the 
work which would be given in a well-conducted grammar school for^ 
children of the same age. But I would have the child of that age 
study in connection with other subjects the manufacturing establish- 
ments of the community. He should know their business organiza- 
tion and general methods of management, their history, the sources 
of the raw material used, the geography of the regions from which 



Elementary Trade Teaching 



37 



the raw materials come, the transportation facilities and in a general 
way, the various processes of manufacture. The markets for the 
finished product should be studied ; also the special qualifications 
required of the employees, the wages for beginners, the average 
increase of wages and the possibilities for advancement for an 
earnest, intelligent worker, as well as the hours of work and the 
steadiness of employment for each industry. 

All this would be given as work in English, geography and 
history. These investigations of industries should be conducted 
under the guidance of a teacher who could understand the bearing 
of such a study upon the boy’s mind. All of this work should be 
included in every grammar school course. If such studies could be 
carried on under a broad-minded and well-equipped teacher, the 
boy’s point of view would be quite different from that of the four- 
teen-year-old boy as educated to-day, and he would be prepared to 
choose an occupation more wisely. I look upon such study not as 
industrial education, however, but as a line of general education of 
value to every boy and girl in school. The grammar schools would 
thus perform a valuable service to those pupils who expect to enter 
trades, or who leave school at an early age, by directing their atten- 
tion to local industries. 

I will select a textile mill town as an example of what may be 
done by the public schools to assist pupils to inform themselves re- 
garding the work of the chief industry of the town, and to study it 
with interest. The teachers should be urged to study local condi- 
tions ; they should study the mills and the textile industries of their 
own town and become familiar with their history. Textile museums 
should be established in the public schools of the textile city, stories 
should be written on technical subjects relating to textile manufac- 
ture, the history of weaving should be taught and a study made of 
the fibers used in the manufacture of textile goods. As a result of 
this study of the textile fabrics, written material should be accu- 
mulated, which might later be developed into a book to be used ii; 
the public schools of the town. The co-operation of manufacturers 
should be secured by asking the use of their files of textile journals 
and such technical books on the industry as they have available in 
their offices. The co-operation of the public libraries in the purchase 
of books dealing with textile questions should also be obtained. I 
would suggest, also, that a teacher be detailed, on a leave of absence 



38 



The Annals of the American Academy 



from teaching duties for a short time, to prepare a pamphlet on the 
industry of the town, including the method of textile manufacture 
as carried on there. Such a general plan, carried out in various 
cities in which special industries predominate, would stimulate the 
interest of the boys in local industries. It would be of the greatest 
value to the communities and to the state. 

A year ago I visited a school in Cork, Ireland, which I wish 
might be seen by every American teacher. Each class-room was 
completely surrounded by cases with glass doors, containing Irish 
manufactures in every stage from the raw materials to the finished 
article. And yet the school was not a trade school. In our present 
school system we assume that what is proper in the way of train- 
ing for the boy wbo is going to college, is proper for the boy 
who is going into industrial work. The result is that the very 
large number who must go to work when they become fourteen to 
sixteen years of age have been educated away from the trades rather 
than toward them. 

Only a generation or two ago the majority of the boys in the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts were brought up on the farms. 
These boys had an opportunity to do with their hands ; they did all 
kinds of farm work ; in many instances they repaired the buildings 
and the kitchen utensils, the stoves and the farm machinery ; 
they had a vocational training at home. The majority of boys in 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to-day are in the cities, and 
they have not an opportunity equal to that of the boys just men- 
tioned. Everything is done for the boy, and he is not trained to 
do things for himself. He has not that opportunity for development 
which was given our youth of Massachusetts but a sbcrt time ago. 

I have been discussing tbe boys. Let it not be thought that I 
have forgotten the girls. Among the women of Massachusetts, for 
example, not so many years ago, the mother spun and wove; she 
made the candles ; she made the soap ; and she did everything about 
tbe household. She had a training which was a superior training, 
and superior women were develope'h We are told to-day that in the 
cities a majority of the people do not cook their own food: it is 
bought at the bakeshop, and the girls in the majority of instances 
in the large cities have no opportunity to learn anything in the way 
of home industry. What is true of Massachusetts is true of the 
other more thickly settled .sections of the country. 



Elementarx Trade Teaching 

^ o 



39 



If it is a fact that there is no opportunity for the boy to learn 
a trade in' the shop, and the opportunity to learn home-making, 
domestic science in its best sense, does not exist for the girl, then is 
it not the duty of the country to provide for that education in the 
free schools? I think there are opportunities in our schools for the 
girls to have some training in planning the expenditure of money. 
Of course, a large percentage of those girls are later to become the 
heads of families and are the ones to have the expenditure of the 
money which the boy we are attempting to prepare to make his way 
in the world will earn for the support of the family. It is the wife 
and the mother who does the spending of the money, and she should 
be trained to expend it wisely. She will then be the better able to 
help develop the highest type of home for the families of our 
mechanics. 

But let us return to the boy. If he goes out to attempt to learn 
a trade at fourteen years of age, the manufacturer says, “I do not 
want you in my factory,” and he will not employ him except in a 
position where he is simply an errand boy, and even in those places 
many of the manufacturers say they do not want the boy. You ask 
me how I know it. Agents of the Massachusetts Commission on 
Industrial Education canvassed the state recently ; they interviewed 
a large number of our manufacturers in the skilled industries, and 
out of some i,ooo men interviewed who employ thousands upon 
thousands of other men in the great manufacturing establishments 
of the state, there were very few who did not say, “We do not want 
the fourteen-year-old boy ; he is in the way ; he gets on our nerves.” 

We know how to sympathize with those men. We know what 
the fourteen-year-old boy is. We know that he is a good deal of 
an animal, he is irresponsible in many ways, very largely through 
the fault of the home, but the school must take part of this respon- 
sibility. Now the boy between the age of fourteen and sixteen, 
when he is not wanted in the industries, ought to be in school. The 
school that I have in mind is a school where the foundations of the 
trade can be laid for him better than they can be laid in the factory. 

The boy would be given courses in woodworking and ironwork- 
ing for one-half of each school day. This should be supplemented 
with other subjects, including drawing, arithmetic, simple bookkeep- 
ing, industrial geography and industrial history, as well as a con- 
tinued study of local industries. At the sixteenth year such a boy 



40 



The Annals of the American Academy 



would be ready to study his chosen trade with a foundation for 
that trade which could not he obtained in any shop in our American 
industries. These last two years would he taken either in a school, 
under shop conditions, one-half of the time in the class-room and one- 
half in the school shop, or by a combination of part-time in the school 
and part-time in a commercial shop. In the former case, the boy 
should remain in the school eleven months of the year, eight hours 
per day, except Saturday, when the school should close at noon. 
There should be no protracted vacations except that during the 
month of August. One-half of the time should be given to shop- 
work, and the balance to the study of such subjects as have a bearing 
on the chosen trade, such as its history, drawing, mathematics, chem- 
istry and physics ; and, in addition to these, citizenship should be 
studied. 

Under the part-time system the boy would take these latter 
courses along with work in a commercial shop, l)y working in the 
industry for a week, for e.xample, and then attending the industrial 
school for a week. Thus the theory and practice of the trade would 
go hand in hand and the boy would also be helping to support him- 
self and his family. By such a system of trade education our boys 
would ultimately contribute more largely towards the prosperity of 
our country than is possible at present. Such courses of instruction 
are proving eminently satisfactory in numerous European countries, 
and the graduates of such schools are in demand after a shortened 
apprenticeship and are receiving the prevailing highest wages. 

The problem for the boys who will carry on our farms is some- 
what different from that just stated for the boys who intend entering 
the manufacturing industries. That they should be given prepara- 
tion for their life's work in an agricultural school and not in a high 
school with some agricultural courses attached, I have no doubt. 
Early last spring the farmers of Massachusetts, through the state 
grange, appeared at the State House in opposition to a bill pro- 
viding for agricultural ami industrial courses in the existing higli 
schools. Many of the superintendents of the state argued in favor 
of the bill. The farmers said most emphatically, “This is not what 
we want.” They said, “Give us independent agrictilhiral schools.” 

We would all agree that some instruction in mechanical trades 
should be made a part of the work of an agricultural school. Much 
farm machinery must be cared for by these boys, and farm carpentry 



Elementary Trade Teaching 



41 



should not be neglected. In these independent agricultural schools 
the girls should take many of the agricultural courses, together with 
domestic science and home dressmaking and millinery. The school 
should be planned as a finishing school for the future farmers, but 
provision should be made for those who can continue their educa- 
tion. Such schools should fit the boys for the State Agricultural 
College, and both the boys and the girls for the State Normal School. 

For the city girl who must begin at an early date to earn her 
living the problem is most difficult. We are informed by those who 
have made a study of this question that the average time a girl 
remains in productive industry is about five years. The question of 
educating a girl, therefore, for the industry in which she is likely to 
remain for so short a time must be considered as a distinct problem. 
These girls are destined, in the large majority of cases, to become 
the wives of our mechanics and the — 'ithers of the coming genera- 
tion of city dwellers. I can but feel that the school training of these 
girls to earn their own living for about five years should be accom- 
panied by a large share of instruction which will fit them for the 
work of homemaking which they are to pursue for the forty addi- 
tional years of life. Certainly, the choice of all would be to retain 
in school for a much longer time those girls who now leave at about 
fourteen years of age, and give them a thorough preparation for 
homemaking as well as for a trade corresponding in thoroughness 
to that suggested for the boys, and I sincerely hope the problems 
may be worked out which will make this the ultimate aim of the 
girl’s continuation school. 

There is danger, however, in the working out of these problems 
that educators may rush blindly into this new field and that the new 
education thus organized will not be as effective as the old. The 
public demands changes, and the existing school authorities are 
making changes in an effort to meet this demand with no clear con- 
ception of the effect of these changes in the school courses. The 
public must be patient and allow those at work upon this problem 
reasonable time in which to prepare plans for a well-balanced public 
school education which will meet the needs of all. 



THE SECONDARY IXDUSTRLAL SCHOOL OF 
COLUMRUS, GEORGIA 



By Cakleton Pj. Gibson, 

Superintendent of Schools of Columbus, Georgia. 



New types of schools spring up in response to the demands of a 
people. They are not often the creation of leaders in advance of 
their times, nor do they come as fads and fancies from the brain 
of an educational dreamer. In this respect they are not unlike all 
other institutions created by the jteople. 

The Secondary Industrial School of Columbus, Georgia, was 
established in response to the demand of the people for a more 
jmactical and useful education. The demand may not be expressed 
in definite terms by the lawmakers or by the press. It is usually 
indicated by express dissatisfaction with existing types of educa- 
tional work, and suggestions that something more practical and use- 
ful to young people and to society he given in the schools. It only 
remains for some thoughtful educator to interpret the complaints 
and demands of the people and formulate plans which will more 
directly meet their wishes. 

The fundamental principle of education upon which the Secon- 
dary Industrial School was estaldishcd may be expressed in these 
words: The dominant life of the people should influence the schemes 
for the education of the youth. 

This is not a newly-discovered principle in education. It has 
alwa}"S existed and has always influenced nations in the training 
of their young. In ancient Greece the young were skilled in athletics 
because the athlete was the ideal in society. When , the dominant 
interest of the Romans was conquest through arms, a soldier’s 
training became the chief schooling of the boy. Ever since the 
ancient empires of the Orient regarded as their dominant interests 
the traditions of their forefathers, history, philosophy and religion 
have been the chief means by which the young were educated. 
When in western Europe there was the new birth of learning, a 
study of the classics dominated the schools. When the spirit of 



(42) 



Secondary Industrial School of Columbus, Georgia 43 

invention and research sprang up, scientific studies began to form 
the framework of curricula. 

As the American people are beginning to regard industrialism 
in a broad and high sense of the term as the dominant interest, 
industrial training in the schools of the land follows as a necessary 
consequence. 

During the past quarter of a century individuals and societies, 
recognizing the value of such training, have established schools 
of hand craft, manual training, technical education and trades. 
Larger organizations, such as city school systems, moved more 
slowly, but they for years have been moving none the less surely 
towards the establishment of industrial and trade schools. 

The first industrial or trade school to be established in connec- 
tion with a public school system is that in Columbus, Georgia, 
known as the Secondary Industrial School. It is quite natural that 
one of the smaller cities should have led in this movement, and in 
no city of America were the conditions more favorable than those 
in Columbus. It is a city of about 25,000 inhabitants. Its location 
at the head of navigation and at the foot of immense water power 
on the Chattahoochee River has made it a manufacturing center. 
The dominant life of the people is therefore that of industry, and 
industrial training naturally came to be one of the important means 
used in educating the children. 

Its twelve cotton mills, aggregating more than 200,000 spindles, 
make it one of the important cotton mill centers of the South. It 
has also extensive iron-working establishments and woodworking 
industries, carriage, wagon and clothing factories. For more than 
a decade its elementary schools have done more than the usual 
amount of work in manual training, handicrafts, and domestic 
science. The city has likewise maintained free kindergartens. Sev- 
eral years ago it undertook to specialize somewhat its efforts in 
educational work, and adapted certain schools to the particular 
needs of certain classes of people. 

For illustration, it established the Primary Industrial School for 
the children of mill operatives, who, in the absence of compulsory 
education laws and because of peculiar home conditions, could not 
be reached by the elementary schools of the city system. Handi- 
crafts were made the basis of work in this school and through them 
motives were found for the mastery of the elementary school 



44 



The Annals of the American Academy 



branches. The school did much settlement work and sought through 
the children to bring about better conditions in the homes of the 
working people. Its contribution to industrial efficiency was there- 
fore through the improvement in the domestic life of the workers. 
In this respect it has accomplished great results. 

Serious study has been given in Columbus to the proper educa- 
tion of the negro children. About one-third of the population is 
black. These young people after leaving school have distinct spheres 
of activity. Their dominant life or interest may be clearly differ- 
entiated from that of other classes. The city has liberally ecpiipped 
the negro schools for practical industrial training after the fashion 
of the great Tuskegee Institute, but, of course, in a more elementary 
way. Every negro girl is given thorough training for five years in 
home economics, cookery, sewing, and laundering. What is of great 
importance also the spirit of service is engendered. Every boy is 
given instruction in carpentry and blacksmithing, and the industrial 
training for boys has this year extended to include bricklaying, shoe 
and harness repairing. These avenues of employment are open 
almost exclusively to the negro youth of the city. 

Under these civic and educational conditions, the Secondary 
Industrial School was an easy growth. It is true that the munici- 
pality did not bear the entire expense of creating this school — indeed, 
it bore a small portion of it — but the school is now maintained, as 
are all other schools of the city, by the public funds. 

The equipment represents an investment of something over 
$100,000, much of which was donated by individuals and corpora- 
tions interested in the creation of such an institution. The land and 
several thousand dollars were given by a public-spirited citizen 
who has an especial interest in this type of education. The school 
was built without any very large bequest, without the issue of bonds, 
and without any very unusual appropriation from the municipal 
government. Not in the slightest degree, however, is the school 
recognized as the peculiar property or interest of any individual, 
corporation, class or faction of the people. The entire city looks 
upon it as its property, as its institution, and the people are united 
in their belief in its usefulness and in their determination to support 
it generously. 

The aim of the institution is to prepare the youth of Columbus 
and vicinity for intelligent and efficient service in industrial life. 



Secondary Industrial School of Columbus, Georgia 



45 



The term '‘incliistrial life” is taken to include commercial activities 
as well as manufacturing interests. It is a trade school, and more ; 
it is an academic trade school of high-school rank. This means that 
the essentials of a high-school course are given and a trade is taught. 
Under the head of essentials are included the usual high-school 
studies in mathematics, English, history and science. No foreign 
languages are taught. There has never been any intention of teach- 
ing young people a trade without giving them good academic train- 
ing, for this starts a young person in life with immediate earning 
power, but with an earning power that is very limited. The aim 
is to give that culture, intelligence and mental acumen which carry 
the skilled mechanic or trained accountant on to unlimited earning 
power. 

It is a school of the people, maintained by the people, and for 
all classes of people. It is not recognized as a school for artisans, 
nor a school of the leisure class seeking some fad. Within its 
student body are found the sons and daughters of the well-to-do, 
working earnestly and industrially side by side with the children 
of the dollar-a-day man. The people of all classes living in such 
industrial atmosphere have come to realize that the greatest oppor- 
tunities for service to mankind, usefulness to society, and breadwin- 
ning occupations lie in industrial pursuits. Those who enter the school 
necessarily do so with a purpose more or less definite. The organi- 
zation requires the pupil on entering to select one trade or industry, 
to which, in addition to the academic subjects required of all, he 
shall apply himself throughout the entire course. The plans fol- 
lowed embrace some rather unique features. The session continues 
throughout the year except the month of August. The hours 
of the school are the ordinary working hours, from eight to four 
witJi thirty minutes intermission. The traditional Saturday holiday 
is eliminated. 

Under the supervision of the city superintendent and manage- 
ment of the board of trustees, the school is also supervised bv an 
advisory board of five experts representing the leading industries 
and commercial interests of the city. The requirements for admission 
are sound bodies, fourteen years of age, and education in com- 
mon school studies through the sixth grade of the elementary schools. 
The candidate for graduation, having completed the academic and 
industrial training, is required to spend at least two months in fac- 



46 



The Annals of the American Academy 



tory, shop or business establishment, without compensation, and 
make daily reports to the school on efficiency. Reports also come 
weekly from the foremen over such workers. 

The unusual length of session has several advantages. First, 
it reduces or practically eliminates the great waste in education 
through loss of time in a youth’s life. Second, it utilizes in an 
economical and business-like way the educational plant without loss 
of interest on the investment through idleness and disuse. Third, 
it gives opportunity for a young man or a young woman to concen- 
trate his or her educational efforts into a few years. Fourth, it 
offers more than twice as many hours of school work per year as 
the ordinary school working under the traditional nine-months’ ses- 
sion, thus enabling the student to accomplish in the three years 
of the course what would ordinarily be accomplished in six years. 
This brings him through his high and trade school training before 
the average boy is more than half through his high school course. 
The graduate is prepared for useful service, has good earning power, 
or training fitting him for entrance into a technological school, 
which, however, is not the primary aim of the school. 

While the hours of the school day may seem, in the light of 
traditional school work, to be rather long and to work a hardship 
upon pupils, the interspersing of shop work, or industrial training, 
throughout the day, giving relief from the constant nerve tension 
required in the purely academic work, and the serving of a whole- 
some hot lunch in the school at mid-day, remove the possibdity of 
detriment to health. This lunch is prepared under the direction of 
the domestic science department. 

At first some pupils coming from the other schools find it a 
little difficult to adjust themselves to the earlier hours, but the 
graduates of the school never find any difficulty in adjusting them- 
selves, the morning after graduation, to working hours. One of the 
most admirable features of the whole school is the splendid spirit 
of interest, activity, and sympathetic industry manifested through- 
out the faculty and student body. All are wholesome, alive, ener- 
getic and ready for anything that comes up for the good of the 
school. 

The advisory board, made up of persons generally recognized 
in the community as leaders in the several industries and commercial 
activities, not only serve to keep the industrial work of the school 



Secondary Industrial School of Coliinibus, Georgia 



47 



of a thoroughly practical nature, but also to link the school closely 
to the industrial establishments of the community. It is to be noticed 
that the State of New York has embodied this feature in its recent 
law providing for trade schools. 

The requirements for admission in age and scholastic advance- 
ment seem to have met with favor on the part of those who have 
later taken up the organization of trade and industrial schools. 
Fourteen is quite early enough for a boy to start upon his trade 
training, for he then comes out into industrial life at a minimum 
age of seventeen. The average age is somewhat above this, and 
yet, if the age is put much above fourteen, many are lost entirely 
to all such school training. 

It is the aim at all times to be closely in touch with the actual 
industrial occupations. In the shops nothing is produced for the 
scrap pile. All work is carefully done from the student’s drawings 
and usually from his own blue prints. Every product has an eco- 
nomic value which cannot be divorced from the educational value 
of the process. The products are the property of the school, and 
if sold, the fund is converted into raw material to be used by the boy 
in producing other products of economic value while developing 
boys who are to become economic units. Excursions are made to 
shops and industrial establishments for observation and discussion, 
but always with a view to making the next product more valuable or 
the manipulation of the machine more effective. 

The student having completed the course of academic and indus- 
trial training laid down in the school requirements, is placed, by the 
school or an advisory board member, in some position for which 
he has fitted himself. Without pay he conforms to all the require- 
ments of the establishment, thus giving his real efficiency a practical 
test. Ealling into the working hours of the institution, whether 
it be a cotton mill or a bank, he touches elbows with his fellow work- 
ers and gets an insight into the human side of industrial life that no 
school can give him. He sends to the head of his school department 
daily reports on punctuality in attendance, persistence throughout 
the day, promptness in executing tasks, readiness in interpreting 
drawings and orders, relationship to fellow workers, and the nature 
and amount of work done. 

Thus far the school has had no difficulty in placing its student 
workers, and has had the intelligent and sympathetic co-operation 



48 



The Annals of the American Academy 



of business houses and industrial establishments. This plan not 
only tests the pupil’s real efficiency, but puts him where he may be 
sure of a job if he proves his worth. Coming from his overalls 
in the shop at the close of a day’s work he may receive his diploma 
(in dress suit, if he please) and return to his overalls the next 
morning. Under the industrial ideal of this nation the typical 
American is the one who can wear overalls as gracefully as he 
wears a dress suit. 

The graduation exercises of the first class to go out from the 
school presented some unique and interesting features, which were 
expressive of the aims of the school. It consisted of nine persons, 
three from the dressmaking department, two from the machine 
shop, four from the business training department. There were no 
orations or essays, few flowers and little music. After a plain, 
direct statement of the ideals of the school by one of the young 
men, the three young women representing the dressmaking depart- 
ment measured, drafted the pattern, cut, fitted and made a dress 
on the stage from cloth woven during the session in the textile 
department. After making the dress, the young ladies retired, and 
one of them returned, wearing the dress, and in it she received her 
diploma. A simple statement of the advantages of dressmaking 
as a bread-winning occupation, an explanation of tbe system of 
drafting, and of the processes involved in making the dress was 
made by one of the young ladies. 

After the dress was cut, other departments of the school were 
represented in the graduating exercises while these girls at one end 
of the stage were making music with the sewing machine and plying 
their nimble fingers. The graduates from the business training 
department astonished the audience with the rapidity of their busi- 
ness calculations, took dictation from teacher and from citizens in 
the audience, and turned ofif good, business-like letters. A lawyer 
surprised tbem by stepping up on the stage and dictating a long 
legal letter, which was promptly reproduced without an error. 
Most of the graduates had positions the day after their graduation. 
All of them had good positions within less than six weeks and that, 
too, in the summer of 1908 famous for retrenchment in working 
forces. 

The trades or lines of industrial training ofifered by the school 
are, fur the girls, millinery, dressmaking and business training; for 



Secondary Industrial School of Columbus, Georgia 



49 



the boys, carpentry, pattern-making, machinist, business training and 
cotton-mill work. Every course extends over three full years of 
forty-eight weeks each, and requires from twenty-four to thirty 
hours a week, in addition to academic work. This applies to busi- 
ness training as well as to shop work. There are no ten-week 
courses to turn out clerks and artisans without any academic 
training. 

Every boy is required to take mechanical drawing throughout 
his course, and every girl must have thorough training in home 
economics. As the probability is that at least eighty per cent of the 
young women graduating from the school will some day have the 
care and management of a home, and as all of them will have more 
or less to do with the making of a home, considerable importance is 
attached to thorough training in home economics. These studies 
include plain, fancy and dietetic cookery, house cleaning and decora- 
tion, sanitation, marketing, planning meals, and the intelligent and 
economical management of a home in a broad sense. Such training 
of future home makers will contribute indirectly to the increased 
industrial efficiency of the workers who will come from these homes. 



PARTIAL TIME TRADE SCHOOLS 



IIv Professor Herman Schneider, 

Dean, College of Engineering, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio. 



It is a curious fact that nearly all the trade schools have been 
planned for young men who desire to become machinists, wood 
workers, molders, bricklayers and carpenters. There is an occa- 
sional plumbers' school, and here and there a garment-workers’ 
school. An examination of the industrial directory in the back of 
any city telephone book will show that there are dozens of trades 
just as important as the ones mentioned. It seems that no measures 
are being taken to operate trade schools for young men of these 
various trades, and indeed when the size of the problem is con- 
sidered, it becomes very evident that for industrial training gen- 
erally, the trade school as it is organized at present, is out of the 
question. 

If the school children in this country under eighteen years 
of age, were placed in a straight line, allowing one foot of space 
for each child, the line would stretch from the upper end of Maine 
across the continent to the lower end of California. If those leaving 
school at or about the age of fourteen, — nearly all of them to become 
breadwinners, — were taken from the line, only that portion extend- 
ing across the State of California would remain. In industrial 
centers, — and this will comprise the major portion of the Eastern 
states and most of the cities of the country — these children are 
drawn into the manufacturing and business life of the community. 
It is manifestly impossible to organize a system of trade schools 
which will take even a small number of these children, and give 
them in the shops of the schools the trades they seek to follow. Fur- 
thermore, since the trade school is non-productive, it would have to 
be supported by private endowment entirely, or a tuition fee would 
have to be charged. The further fact that these children leave 
school because of financial necessity, indicates that a very small 
proportion could continue in a school without some remuneration. 
The problem, therefore, is not to establish schools in which a few 
trades are taught by professional educators to a very small number 



(50) 



Partial Time Trade Schools 



51 



of select students, but to devise means whereby those children, who 
by force of necessity are compelled to go to work at an early age, 
may obtain further instruction, \vhich will make them more efficient 
and better citizens. 

Education, generally speaking, should aim to do the greatest 
good to the greatest number. The first object of all education is to 
make better citizens, and the first duty of a good citizen is to be 
self-supporting. The second duty is to be a good citizen in the civic 
sense. Consequently, for this large number, educational plans should 
tend to increase the industrial efficiency of the youth who has already 
secured a position and is working at it. It should give him such 
training as will insure upon his part the proper performance of his 
duties as a citizen of a republic. 

To show more clearly the situation confronting the educator, 
the following figures may be cited : In the city of Cincinnati, of 
8,567 pupils entering the schools in the first grade, 447 are left at 
the tenth grade, when the children reach the age at which the law 
permits them to withdraw from the school. The majority of these 
children enter the industrial life of the city, and thereafter they 
obtain no further instruction of any sort whatever, except what 
may be given in the night schools. They receive no instruction in 
industrial efficiency, and very little in good citizenship. 

It is unquestionably impossible to organize under private direc- 
tion a school which would deal with the education of this number 
of industrial workers. Investigation, however, discloses the fact 
that if a partial time school were arranged, a great many chil- 
dren could attend for part of the time if they were earning some- 
thing the other part ; and further, that parents would make sacrifices 
if the children were taught in the partial time school such subjects 
as would make them more highly efficient in their work, and thereby 
increase their earning capacities at their trades. It is evident that 
there is but one organized institution which can meet this situation, 
and that is the public school system. 

The logical solution, therefore, is a broad plan of co-operation 
between the public schools and the industries. How such a scheme 
may be planned, may perhaps be best exemplified by the working of 
the co-operative courses in engineering now in operation at the 
University of Cincinnati. 

These courses are so devised that students taking them work 



52 



The Annals of the Anieriean Academy 



alternate weeks in the engineering college of the university and at 
the manufacturing shops of the city. The classes are divided into 
two sections which alternate with each other, so that when one 
section is at the university the other is at the shop. The length of 
the course is six years. During the summer, students work full 
time at the shops, but are given several weeks’ vacation ; there is also 
a week’s vacation at Christmas. The practical work at the shops 
is as carefully planned as the theoretical work at the university, 
and in all cases the students follow, as nearly as possible, the path 
of the machines manufactured from the raw material to the finished 
product sold. For instance, a student in electrical engineering 
spends his first year in the foundry ; the next year and a half in the 
machine shop ; the next two years in the commutator, controller, 
winding, erecting and testing departments ; and the subsequent time 
in the drafting-room and sales offices. A contract is signed by the 
student, the university and the firm. This contract has a blank 
space to be filled out with the shop work the student is to receive 
during the six years of the course. In all cases the dean of the 
engineering college and the professor of electrical, mechanical or 
chemical engineering, as the case may be, confer with the manu- 
facturers in planning this course of shop work, so that the students 
get a logically and carefully arranged shop and business training. 

They are paid for this shop work on a scale of wages which 
begins at ten cents per hour and increases at the rate of one cent per 
hour every six months, making the total earnings of the course 
about $i,8oo. Applicants for places in this course are required to 
enter the shops during the summer preceding their entrance to 
college. 

The first year the course was put in operation about sixty young 
men came to the university to inquire concerning it. Of these, fortv- 
five went into the shops, and when the university opened in the fall 
twenty-eight were left. The second year there were 800 inquiries 
and applications ; from these, sixty were selected and sent into the 
shops, and when the college opened in September forty-four were 
recommended to us and started their university work. This year 
the applications and inquiries approximate two thousand. 

It will be evident that this plan applied to trade education would 
be simply a return to the old apprentice system with something more 
attached, namely, definite mental instruction under trained teachers, 



Partial Ti)iie Trade Schools 



53 



aiming toward industrial efficiency and good citizenship. It will 
be recalled that under the old apprentice system instruction was 
really a part of the student’s training, this instruction being im- 
parted, however, by the older men of the shop. Under present 
industrial conditions, this seems to be entirely out of the question. 
The plan, it will be noted, does not contemplate that students shall 
be placed in the shops by the school, but after a boy of fourteen or 
fifteen has obtained a position, he can, if he so desires, attend the 
school and receive theoretical instruction in his particular trade. 

A plan similar to the above has already been started at Fitch- 
burg, Mass. The apprentices are divided into two sections which 
alternate with each other, as in the engineering college of the Uni- 
versity of Cincinnati ; in this way the shops are always fully 
manned, and the school has always the same quota of students. 
The school does not attempt to teach anything concerning the prac- 
tical side of the work. It aims, however, to teach the theory under- 
lying the work, to teach the intent of the work, to give such training 
in mathematics and elementary sciences as will enable the appren- 
tice to become more highly efficient, and to give such cultural 
subjects as will tend to make him a more intelligent civic unit. In 
other words, the course has in mind both the thing the apprentice 
is to do and the man he is to be. 

It is, of course, not intended to take children from the high 
schools who can afford and intend to take a regular classical, scien- 
tific or commercial high school course. These courses will go on 
as heretofore. The plan is simply a means of aiding the greater 
number of children to obtain additional schooling, and of enabling 
them at the same time to earn enough money to pay for their simple 
wants. 

There should certainly be no reasonable objection to this addi- 
tional field of usefulness on the part of the public schools, inasmuch 
as the cost would be very slight and the added service of the schools 
to the taxpayers very appreciable. The absolute necessity for some 
broad, comprehensive, co-operative and thorough system whereby 
our industrial workers may obtain a much higher efficiency than 
they can get under present conditions is evident from the following 
facts : 

The standard of living of the American workman is the highest 
in the world. To meet this standard he must have a much better 



54 



The Annals of the jLmcrican Academy 



wage tlian his competitor in Europe or Japan. Tlie efficiency of 
the German workman, due to continuation schools, etc., has increased 
to such an extent that German investigators of the United States 
feel warranted in considering American competition negligible. 
Commenting on the report of these investigators, Consul-General 
Mason, of Berlin, says : 

Reduced to simplest terms, these investigators generally conclude that 
the reliance on a general and more or less superficial education, together 
with natural adaptability, to fit young men for almost every walk in life, and 
the lack of specialized study in physical science, modern languages, and the 
industrial arts, will, if persisted in, neutralize much of the advantage which 
our country enjoys through natural resources and advantageous geographical 
position for the South American, Me.xican and Asiatic trade. They note 
also the enormous disparity between American and European wages, the 
high rates charged by e.xpress companies, and the general heavy cost of 
handling business in the United States, and conclude that, on the whole, the 
"American Danger" has been greatly exaggerated, and that a steadfast 
adherence by Germany to the educational system and commercial methods 
now in practice will leave the Fatherland little to fear in future competition 
with American manufactured goods. . . . 

Realizing that the future prosperity of German manufacturers will depend, 
as now, largely on their e.xport trade, .... German workmen of the 
better class have come to the conclusion that their best interest is to be as 
efficient and productive as possible. There is a new and pervading ambition 
to beat the foreigner wherever possible at his own game and with his own 
tools. When it is remembered that this highly educated, efficient and ambi- 
tious labor costs the employer only from one-third to one-half the wages that 
are paid in the United States and that it is comparatively tractable and easily 
managed, it will be seen that a situation is being developed here which our 
countrymen will do well to take into account. 

The German workman is satisfied to work a longer period of 
time per day than the American workman. At the same time, it is 
generally conceded hy American manufacturers that we are coming 
to a shorter working day. They also state that the efficiency of the 
American workman has decreased within the last ten years. 

That the American manufacturer is rapidly losing ground is 
indicated by the following from “The Industrial Improvement 
Schools of Germany,” by A. A. Snowden : 

Take this illustration as one of many — the single item of machinery and 
tools. Germany’s sales to the United States have doubled in the five years 
from 1900 to 1905. Meanwhile, American sales to Germany, in this line, are 



Partial Time Trade Schools 



55 



now about one-third of the totals of five years ago. For the same period, 
Germany now sends to England twice as much finished products, receiving 
only two-thirds of the former imports. To Sweden, Denmark, Argentine 
and Chile, Germany now sends double the quantity of machinery and tools 
exported five years ago, while to China it sends five times the former amount, 
and to Canada four and to Portugal three times the quantity sold in 1900. 
In the case of all the other countries, there has been a gradual increase 
of trade. . . . 

The new ( Wuerttemberg) law — to be in full operation in 1909 — compels all 
localities (Gemeinden) having for a period of three successive years at least 
forty youths under eighteen years of age engaged in industrial or commercial 
pursuits, to establish an industrial or commercial school, and to main- 
tain it as long as the number of such youths employed does not fall below 
thirty for three years in succession. The term “commercial or industrial 
pursuits” is given the widest possible scope in Wuerttemberg, and takes into 
account not only the factory hand and the counting-house assistant, but the 
day laborer, the grocer’s clerk, and the errand boy. The law provides for 
the compulsory attendance of all young w’Orkmen (a stipulation formerly left 
to the localities to decide, in virtue of imperial laws based on a North 
German ordinance of 1869). The chief objective point of the law is to 
furnish opportunity for instruction during the w’ork-day, — instead of eve- 
nings, Sundays or holidays, as before. The minimum number of hours per 
year is to be two hundred and eighty. The schools are to be organized more 
strictly than ever along vocational lines, and instructors specially prepared 
through long courses of training are to be put in charge everywhere. The 
courses will extend over a term of three j'ears, instead of two, as formerly. 

These few facts demonstrate that unless a thorough system of 
industrial education, involving the co-operation of the school 
authorities and the manufacturers, is inaugurated, it will not be a 
question ten years from now whether we shall have an eight-hour 
day or not, but whether there will be any work at all for our 
industrial army. 



PUBLIC EVENING SCHOOLS OF TRADES 



By Charles F. Warner, 

Principal of the Technical High School, Springfield, Mass. 



In October, 1898, the City of Springfield (Massachusetts) 
opened the machine shop of its newly established Mechanic Arts High 
School for evening classes in machine tool work. The city also as- 
sumed the responsibility of continuing the plumbing classes of a pri- 
vate trades school which had been carried on for two years without 
making much progress, and was therefore ready to put its building 
and such of its equipment as might be used at the disposal of the 
public school authorities. These classes in machine tool work and 
plumbing formed the beginnings of the Springfield Evening School 
of Trades- — the first trades school in the United States to be sup- 
ported at public expense. 

The first classes organized under this new departure were neces- 
sarily conducted on a somewhat experimental plan, but they imme- 
diately became popular with the local mechanics, and the first season 
proved to be very successful. Not only was the instruction promptly 
acknowledged to be of great value to the men who received it, but 
it was no less promptly seen to be of general profit to the trades 
represented. Before the close of the first year the Master Plumb- 
ers’ Association voluntarily agreed, in employing help, to give the 
preference to members of the evening classes in plumbing. Leading 
representatives of the iron-working trades expressed approval, and 
advised their employees to join the machine shop classes. This early 
success encouraged the authorities to expand the work of the school. 
Classes in patternmaking and other kinds of woodwork were added 
at the beginning of the second session, and the enrolment in these 
classes, though less than that in the machine-shop work, has steadily 
increased. A class in mathematics for mechanics was organized at 
the opening of school in October, 1901, and it proved to be a 
valuable addition. The enrolment in this work during the years 
following is evidence of the growing appreciation of the value of 
such instruction. There are now two classes — an elementary and 

('56) 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



57 



an advanced class, which together cover a wide range of mathe- 
matical subjects. A lecture course in electricity and magnetism 
was also started in 1901, and the following year this work was 
extended by the addition of two laboratory classes in applied elec- 
tricity, each meeting twice a week. These classes have met the 
popular interest in electrical subjects, and the w'ork already accom- 
plished justifies their continuance. In this same year (1901) the 
evening mechanical drawing classes, which under the Massachusetts 
statute of 1870 had already been in operation thirty years, were 
transferred to the Evening School of Trades. It will be seen that 
the work of this school now included thorough instruction in me- 
chanical drawing, machine-shop practice and toolmaking, plumbing, 
joinery, cabinetmaking, wood turning and patternmaking, shop 
mathematics and electricity. The enrolment for the season of 1907-8 
amounted to 396, and the attendance has always been remarkably 
constant, showing a much higher percentage than is common in 
evening schools. It was evident from the first that the expense of 
maintaining this important addition to the public school system of 
Springfield would not be a serious matter, and the successive city 
governments, almost invariably, have promptly voted the moderate 
sum required. 

As a pioneer in this most practical phase of American public 
school work and also because of its prompt success, the Springfield 
Evening Trades School attracted very wide attention, not only in 
this country, but also abroad. Following the example of Spring- 
field, other American cities — notably Cambridge, Hartford, and 
Cleveland — have opened up the shops of their manual training 
schools for the instruction of mechanics in evening classes. In every 
case the results have amply justified the plan of utilizing the equip- 
ment and teachers of manual arts schools already established for 
the instruction of mechanics, apprentices, or others closely associated 
with work in the manual arts, in such processes of the fundamental 
trades as could be well taught in this way. 

The general aim of the evening trades schools is to give men 
already employed in the trades a chance to broaden their technical 
training and thus make themselves more efficient workmen. They 
have been sometimes classified as continuation schools, borrowing 
a term that is much used in designating evening schools for work- 
men in foreign countries. But they differ from foreign continuation 



58 



The Annals of the American Academy 



scliools in one important respect, viz., in placing the major emphasis 
upon training in the school shops. Generally speaking, the object 
of the continuation schools of Germany and England is to extend 
the training of the elementary schools in language, mathematics, 
drawing, and science, with special reference to applications of these 
subjects in the leading industries of the community where the school 
is located. Direct training in the use of tools and machines is left 
to the shops and factories where the members of the school are 
employed during the day either on part time or on full time. In so 
far as evening trades schools of the American type give instruc- 
tion in mathematics, mechanical drawing, and science, they resemble 
foreign schools of the kind referred to; but their main object at the 
present stage of their development is to supplement the imperfect 
and highly specialized training of modern shops by giving machine 
hands, helper's, and apprentices, so far as there are any apprentices, 
an opportunity to gain practice in a greater variety of actual shop 
work than is ever likely to be open to any one man under the modern 
system of machine production. The mechanic's chief aim in entering 
these schools is to acquire a wider range of practical knowledge and 
to improve the cpiality of his work in order to reach in his trade a 
higher classification, with increased wages. Some recent statistics 
of the Springfield Evening Trades School show plainly the general 
character of the clientele of such schools and the main purpose of 
those who attend. These facts appear in the following tabular 
statement, in which the figures given include the entire enrolment 
in the various classes : 



X O 

o ^ 

Experience in trade taught : ^ “ 

None i6 

Less than one year 19 

One to two years 12 

Two to three years 19 

Over three years 42 

Some experience in other employment . . 77 
Aim in taking course ; 

To improve knowledge of trade .... 84 

’To learn a trade 16 

To gain general information ii 



•5 bc 




'tt 




‘c.S 

a > 


c 

;3 




‘0 

't, 


'f; 


s 

S 


P ^ 


0> 

s 


96 


16 


9 


16 




6 


2 


IS 


2 


13 


5 


I 




8 


4 


. . 


2 


4 




I 


96 


21 


9 


18 


4 


28 


8 


12 


8 


14 


8 


15 


88 


4 


4 


7 



’Apprentices in plmnbing ; merely beginners in other trades. 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



59 



A comparative study of the statistics given in this table reveals 
several interesting facts. About one-third of the men were enrolled 
for instruction in the mechanical drawing classes. Only four per 
cent of these, however, had actually been employed in that line of 
work, and of the remaining ninety-six per cent eight per cent only 
wished to become draftsmen, while eighty-eight per cent were 
engaged permanently in some other work in which a knowledge of 
drafting would be of service. These figures sustain in a marked 
degree the statement often expressed with reference to the efifect of 
the IMassachusetts law of 1870, which requires all towns in the com- 
monwealth of ten thousand inhabitants or more to maintain an 
evening drafting school. Contrary to the expectation of some of 
the framers of the law, these classes do not turn out draftsmen in 
large numbers, but they afford an opportunity for acquiring a 
knowledge of the meaning of working drawings and how they are 
made — information of great value in many occupations. 

Turning to the table again, we find that more than two-thirds 
of the enrolment is for instruction in the strictly mechanical trades. 
This indicates a greater demand for the direct shop training peculiar 
to American trade schools than for the broader and more general, 
though no less practical instruction given in the continuation schools 
of foreign countries. It should be mentioned, too, that in the 
Springfield school, although tuition is free to all residents of the city, 
an incidental fee varying from $4.00 to $8.00 is charged in the 
machine shop, plumbing, woodworking, and electrical classes, while 
no fee at all is charged for mechanical drawing. This fact makes 
the larger total enrolment in the shop classes even more significant. 

It will be noted also that a considerable number of those 
enrolled in the shop classes, particularly in the machine shop, had 
already had several years’ experience in the trades they were fol- 
lowing, and yet they felt the need of trades teaching. There were 
comparatively few beginners or apprentices. A considerable per- 
centage of beginners, however, was found in the plumbing, wood- 
working, and electrical classes ; and in plumbing these beginners were 
apprentices from the local shops. But in the machine shop we find 
that nearly half the men had had over three years’ experience, while 
less than one-sixth of the enrolment was made up of beginners. 
Most of these men knew something about machine tool work. Their 
experience, however, had been limited to one machine or at most to 



6o 



The Annals of the American Academy 



two or three. The school afiforded them an opportunity to become 
familiar with a large number of the fundamental machine tools of 
the modern shop, an opportunity which the modern shop itself does 
not afford. 

But perhaps the most significant fact of all revealed by the 
table is found in the large numbers who had had more or less ex- 
perience in employments different from those which they were fol- 
lowing or for which they wished to receive preparation in the trades 
school. About three-fourths of those enrolled in the machine shop 
had drifted into this work from other trades or occupations. Nearly 
half of those in the plumbing classes and in the woodworking classes 
had done the same thing. This is merely another demonstration of 
the well-known fact that large numbers of our young mechanics 
drift about from one employment to another, more or less unskilled, 
before they find themselves well enough grounded in any trade to 
be able to claim honestly a fair knowledge of it. In fact, the well- 
trained, skilful mechanic in any trade is rarely to be found. 

Objection will be made that evening trades schools, though they 
may be able to do some good in the industrial world, must always 
fall far short of fully satisfying the demand for training in the 
trades. It is true that an ideal scheme of industrial education, 
which has for its object the upbuilding of all lines of industry, as 
the result of the training of the workers in skill and efficiency with- 
out neglecting their physical, intellectual, and moral well being, 
must assume the possibility of a more thorough and far more com- 
prehensive plan of operation than can be carried out in any system 
of evening schools. But these schools do not claim to offer a com- 
plete and perfect solution of the problem of industrial education. 
They do offer, however, a partial solution of great value which may 
open the way to a very wide extension of public school work to meet 
the new demands of a machine-working age. So long as evening 
trades schools depend for their existence and for the scope of their 
work upon the shops and equipments of manual training schools, 
which are comparatively few in number and rarely extensive, their 
usefulness must be confined within comparatively narrow bounds. 
But why need they be thus confined ? While the need for industrial 
education is one of the great public questions of the day, demanding 
the attention of educators, legislators and all associations of men 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



6i 



interested in social progress, it is also a question that appeals to the 
private interests of the manufacturer and the wage earner. It, 
therefore, calls for co-operation between the schools on the one 
hand, as representing public interests, and manufacturers’ associa- 
tions and labor organizations on the other, as representing private 
interests. Here is a wide field for co-operation in which the manual 
training schools, as now equipped and carried on, may be of service. 
What they need and what they should have, in order to make them 
more effective, is encouragement and enlargement through the co- 
operation of the other interests concerned. It would be an easy 
matter to enlarge the evening trades schools and extend their use- 
fulness under public management if all the interests concerned would 
take hold of the matter earnestly and contribute their just share 
in expense and effort. This is already being done in some sections, 
and all friends of industrial education will find encouragement in 
the growth of the co-operative spirit. 

It is admitted that evening trades schools at their best cannot 
fully meet industrial needs. They have their natural limitations. 
The courses which they offer must be brief and intensely practical. 
Evening work in itself, however keen the interest, lacks the fresh- 
ness and vitality of similar educational work done in the daytime. 
The clientele of the evening schools is naturally made up of those 
beyond the ordinary school age or of adults, because the need for 
this training has been impressed upon them by their first contact 
with industrial life. Not all the workers, however, have come 
through the years of transition between the period of elementary 
education, if they had any, and the age when their productive work 
should begin, with a desire for training and an appreciation of its 
value. The greatest industrial need is an effective plan for taking 
advantage of our industrial resources. This problem will find its 
best solution without doubt in day trades schools. Meantime, and 
perhaps for many years, evening trades schools have their mission. 
They will attract large numbers and a great variety of workmen. 
Those who attend them will always have a definite and sincere 
purpose, and they will secure promptly the training and information 
which they need. The laborer, the employer, and the taxpayer will 
appreciate the value of such instruction. Such schools cannot fail to 
give a direct, practical solution to much of our present industrial 
need. This alone would be enough to justify every effort that may be 



62 



The Annals of the American Academy 



made for their further tlevclopmeiit. But these schools should 
interest the friends of industrial education for another reason. 
They will teach by example the possibility of trade training- under 
public auspices and show the value of it to the manufacturer, to 
the wage-earner, and to the communities which both serve. This 
will be of great assistance in the solution of the problem of creating 
a complete and comprehensive system of industrial education in 
connection with our public schools. 

Course of Instruction in the Springfield Evening School of Trades 

Mechanical Drawing. 

Machine Draiving Course. 

First Year. — (i) Working drawings from models and sketches. (2) 
Principles of projection. (3) Intersections of solids and development of 
surfaces. 

Second Year. — (i) Screw threads. (2) Working drawings from sketches 
and models of machine parts. (3) Isometric drawing. 

Third Year. — Mechanical Motions: (i) Cams. (2) Levers. (3) Gears. 

An advanced course in Machine Design is open to those who have 
completed the course in Machine Drawing and who have the requisite 
knowledge in mathematics. 

Architectural Drawing Course. 

First Year. — Same as Machine Drawing Course. 

Second Year. — (i) Details showing architectural construction. (2) The 
orders of architecture. 

Third Year. — (i) Details of construction. (2) Architectural perspective. 

An advanced course in Architectural Design is open to those who have 
completed the Architectural Drawing Course and are otherwise fitted for 
this work. 

Machine Shop Practice. 

Tzvo Evenings Each IVcck for 24 Weeks. 

First Year. — (i) Working in sheet metal — straight and curved forms — 
bench w-ork. (2) Working in cast and wrought iron — chipping and filing — 
bench work. (3-4) Hand turning on speed lathe — (a) working to drawings, 
with practice in use of taps and dies — (b) working to template. (5) Straight 
and taper turning on speed lathe, with practice in use of slide rest. (6) 
Straight and taper boring on speed lathe, with use of slide rest. (7) Work 
on face plate — practice with center indicator. (8) Elementary work on engine 
lathe, shaper, and milling machine. 

Second Year. — (i) Practice in straight and taper turning. (2) Practice in 
screw thread cutting. (3) Practice on milling machine, with use of index 
centers. (4) Practice in use of nut mandrels. (5) Chucking in lathe with 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



63 



inside thread cutting. (6) Center rest problems on engine lathe. (7) Face 
plate work in connection with the la3’ing-out plate. (8) Template work, with 
practice in irregular shapes. 

Third Year. — (i) Vise work on planer or shaper. (2) Work on platen 
and strip of planer. (3) Work with use of V blocks on planer. (4) Work in 
connection with laying-out plate on planer. (5) Making and use of eccentric 
mandrel on lathe. (6) Making and assembling simple machines or fixtures, 
such as bench drills, bench centers, bench shears, milling cutters, grinders, 
drill jigs, milling fixtures, or punches and dies. 

Tool-Making. 

T-dco Evenings Each JVeek for 24 JVeeks. 

First Year. — (i) Sheet steel gauges and templates — straight, angular, and 
curved forms — bench work. (2) Practice in turning to drawdngs — simple 
forms. (3) Shaping cutter blanks — straight and taper turning — use of slide 
rest. (4) Mill and model blanks — irregular shapes — turning to template. (5) 
Fly cutters and formers — bench work. (6) Shank mills and cutters — lathe 
and milling machine, with index centers. (7) Coimterbores, with practice in 
hardening, tempering and grinding. (8) Practice in hand grinding and 
sharpening tools. 

Second Year. — (i) Nut mandrel. (2) Thread arbor and mill. (3) Mill- 
ing cutters — straight face and side cut. (4) Beveled and backed off milling 
cutters. (5) Special and irregular forms of milling cutters. (6) Spiral mill- 
ing cutters, reamers, and twist drills. (7) Special practice in universal cutter 
grinding. 

Third Year. — (i) Internal cylindrical gauges. (2) External cylindrical 
gauges. (3) Taps and dies. (4) Punches and dies. (5) Drill jigs. (6) 
Special work on universal milling machine and special features of tool work. 

Wood-Turning. 

( I ) Explanation of the speed lathe and instruction in the use and care 
of tools. (2) Mounting w-ork for turning between centers. (3) E.xercises 
in turning between centers, such as plain cylinders, square shoulders, beads, 
grooves, tool handles, balusters. (4) Exercises in face-plate turning, and 
polishing work in lathes, such as rosettes, corner blocks, rings, boxes. 

Pattern-Making. 

(i) Explanation of rules for allowances for shrinkage, for draft and for 
finish, both for iron and brass castings ; and of the methods employed in 
varnishing and finishing patterns. (2) Making and finishing plain patterns, 
such as those for washers, lathe handles, face-plates, journal boxes, stuff- 
ing boxes and glands, bevel gear blanks, brackets, plain pulleys, cone pulleys, 
pillow blocks. (3) Making and finishing patterns wdiich require core boxes, 
such as pipe elbow's, tees, and valves. (4) Making and finishing patterns 
which require intricate coring, or other accurate w'ork, such as patterns for 



64 



The Aiinah of the American Academy 



milling machine parts, for lathes, for complete pieces of school apparatus, 
for spur and bevel gears, for steam and gasoline engine parts. 

Cabinet Making and Furniture Making. 

The work in this course is limited to articles for home use, made accord- 
ing to special designs and drawings. 

Plumbing. 

WATER SUPPLY. 

Lectures — First Year Class. 

1. Country Water Supply. — (i) Wells; (2) Pumps; (3) Tube Wells; 
(4) Hydraulic Ram. 

2. City Water Supply. — (i) Water Mains; (2) Service Pipes. 

3. Street and Tank Systems. — Street Main Connections. 

4. Friction. — Water Hammer. — ( T) Water Pressure Regulators; (2) Air 
Locks. 

5. Meters. — Filters. — Tanks. — (i) Tank Valves; (2) Faucets; (3) Ball 
Cocks. 

6. Boilers, Single and Double. — (i) Vertical and Horizontal Boilers, 

(2) Instantaneous Pleaters; (3) Circulation; (4) Expansion. 

7. Metals and Alloys. — Joint Making. 

Practice Work — First Year Class. 

The object of the practice work of the first year is to teach how joints 
on supply pipe work are made and to give practice in installing supply pipes 
and fixtures. It includes the following main topics : 

Methods of joining metals. Tools. Names and use. Preparing pipe 
ends. Straightening pipe. Tacks — making and putting on. Cleaning and 
testing solder. Cup joints. Overcast joints. Wiped joints; Round, upright, 
and underhand ; Branch, underhand, upright, side ; Branch, 3-way, 4-way ; 
Faucets and stop cocks. Packing bibbs and ball cocks. Setting up and 
connecting boiler with range and tank. Tank lining and general water 
supply. 

sanitary DRAINAGE. 

Lectures — Second Year or Advanced Class. 

1. Principles of Hygiene. 

2. Sanitary Drainage. — (i) Subsoil Drainage; (2) Cesspools; (3) Cellar 
Drainage; (4) House Drainage; (5) Land Irrigation Disposal. 

3. House Ventilation. — (i) Fresh Air Inlets; (2) Frozen Vent Pipes; 

(3) Drainage Ventilation. 

4. Drainage Systems.— (i) Standard; (2) Durham; (3) Pike; (4) 
20th Century. 

5. The Siphon and its Action in House Plumbing. 

6. Traps.— (i) Special Makes; (2) Grease Traps; (3) Proper Venting. 

7. Fixtures — Arrangement and Care of Same. 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



65 



Practice Work — Second Year Class. 

Making joints on waste and drainage work; on ij 4 -inch T branch, Y 
branch; on 2-inch ferrule, 4-inch ferrule; on flanges, side and upright; on 
electric conduit. Making bends, offsets, sand and spring; soil pipe joints, 
upright and underhand. Setting up soil pipe for various systems of venting. 
Setting up plumbing fixtures. 

The supplementary course in lead burning includes instruction in butt 
seam, flat and vertical lapped joints, vertical and tee pipe joints, and tank 
lining. 

Shop Mathematics. 

The aim of the courses in shop mathematics is twofold — first, to teach 
the methods of computation necessary for the solution of the common 
problems arising in shop practice ; second, to present in condensed form the 
essentials of algebra, geometr}', and trigonometry for the benefit of those 
who have not had a high school training, and to show the applications of 
these subjects to the more advanced types of shop problems. This twofold 
aim leads to a natural division of the work into two courses : 

Course I, Elementary — Shop Arithmetic. 

This course comprises work with common and decimal fractions, meas- 
urements, percentages, ratio and proportion, square and cube root; applying 
these principles to such shop problems as gearing, simple and compound, 
how to select gears to cut screws and spirals, computations on the lever, 
including the lathe indicator, lever safety valve, the Prony brake; pulleys 
and hoists, simple, compound, and differential indexing with the milling 
machine ; problems connected with the speed lathe and engine lathe, computing 
the horse power of steam engines, electric dynamos and motors. 

Course II, Advanced — Algebra, Geometry, and Trigonometry, zeith appli- 
cations to shop work. 

This course is open to those who have completed Course I or who have 
had a preparation equivalent to a good grammar school education. It treats 
of the most important principles of algebra, especially of the equation as a 
means of solving problems, and of the derivation and use of formulas. The 
practical side of geometry is next taken, emphasizing the methods of finding 
areas and volumes, weights of bars of various shapes and materials, heating 
surface of boilers, etc. The last half of this course is spent on trigonometry 
including the use of logarithms and logarithmic tables and emphasizing the 
applications of trigonometry to the more advanced types of shop problems. 

Electricity. 

LECTURES. 

One lecture per week on the principles of electricity is given in both 
courses. The subjects are as follows: 

(i) Magnetism. (2) Static electricity. (3) Voltaic cells. (4) Storage 



66 



The Annals of the x 4 nicrican x 4 cadcmy 



cells, (s) Electrolysis. Plating. (6) Electro-magnetism. (7) Applications 
of electro-magnets. ( 8 ) Heating effects of the current. (9-1 1 ) Measure- 
ment of current and resistance. (12) Ohm’s law, electro-motive force. (13) 
Divided circuits. (14) Electric lighting. (15) Electro-magnetic induction. 
(16) Principles of dynamos and motors. (17) Armature windings. (18) 
Constructive details of dynamos and motors. (19) Management of machines. 
(20) Power stations. Railways. (21) Alternating currents. (22) Tele- 
phony. (23) High potential phenomena. (24) Wireless telegraphy. 

Laboratory Instruction. 

Elementary Course. 

The practical work for beginners aims to show by exercises in actual 
construction, the proper methods of installing various electric circuits, fittings 
and apparatus, simulating as closely as possible the conditions met with in 
outside work. 

In addition to the practice in construction a few e.xercises in electrical 
measurements and tests are given. 

The list of elementary exercises is as follows : 

( I ) Magnetic fields. (2) Study of simple voltaic cell and battery ele- 
ments. (3) Study of two-fluid cell. (4) Setting up and connecting battery 
cells. (5) Helix, relation of popularity to direction of current. (6) Wire 
cutting, joining, soldering, taping. (7-11) Bell circuits. (12-14) Electric 
gas lighting circuits. (15-20) Two-wire incandescent lighting circuits. (21) 
Electro-plating. (22) Three-wire lighting circuits. (23-24) Three-wire cir- 
cuits. (25) Measurement of resistance by substitution method. (26-27) 
Measurement of resistance liy drop method. (28) 'I'csting for grounds with 
magneto. (29) Insulation resistance by voltmeter. (30) Test of circuit 
breaker. (31-32) Connecting up and operating motor and dynamo. (33) 
Installation of intercommunicating telephone sy^stem. (34) Installation of 
intercommunicating telephone system. (35-37) Wiring switchboard for par- 
allel operation of dynamos. (,t8) Operation of dynamos in parallel. (39) 
Operation of isolated lighting and power plant. (40) Calibration of ammeter 
by direct comparison. (41) Load curve reading and plotting from school 
plant. (42) Taping and winding small solenoid. (43-44) Cure and operation 
of "diseased” motor. (45) Measurement of watts taken by 16 c. p. lamp 
at different voltages. (46) Effect on resistance of temperature of filament 
of lamp. (47) Charge and discharge of small storage cell. (48) Winding 
of small motor parts for successful operation under current. (49) Candle 
power of incandescent lamps, photometer work. 

Advanced Course. 

In advanced work the wiring exercises are omitted and the following 
list of measurements and tests substituted : 

(1-2) Calibration of tangent galvanometer by copper voltameter. (3) 
Measurement of resistance by Wheatstone bridge. (4) Effect of temperature 
on resistance. Specific resistance. (5) Measurement of the internal resis- 



Public Evening Schools of Trades 



67 



tance of cells. (6) Operation of motor. (7-8) Shunt characteristic of a 
dynamo. (9) Effect of field strength on voltage. Effect of speed on voltage, 
(lo-ii) Cure and operation of dynamo that fails to build up. (12-13) 
Operation of small motor and test of its brake horse power. (14) Effects 
of ampere turns on field. Compounding a shunt dynamo. (15) Practice in 
armature winding. (16) Practice in field winding. 



THE SHORT COURSE TRADE SCHOOL 



By J. Ernest G. Yalden, 

Superintendent, Baron de Hirsch Trade School, New York City. 



At the present time there is an unprecedented and widespread 
interest in the subject of industrial education. Skilled labor is 
.scarce, and the available recruits for the industrial army lack those 
essential qualifications for craftsmanship which our future skilled 
workmen should possess. It is being generally acknowledged that 
trade schools are needed, but educators and others are by no means 
agreed as to the kind of schools best adapted to give our youth that 
training necessary to supply the qualifications for craftsmanship. 

Many articles on this subject have lately appeared, but the 
tendency of most of the writers has been to discuss the need for 
industrial training, and suggest new plans for the establishment of 
various types of trade schools. Few have given us specific accounts 
of e.Nisting schools, with a critical examination of the methods by 
which they have for many years attempted to meet the demand for 
industrial training. 

With that object in view I shall endeavor in this paper to define 
clearly the type known as the short-course trade school, to present 
a careful analysis of the reasons that have led to the establishment 
of such schools, and to show that they must continue to be a 
part of any complete system of industrial education. Let us for a 
moment consider the causes that have led to the present interest in 
the subject of industrial education. 

Until very recent times it was thought sufficient to give all an 
opportunity to secure an elementary school training. The training 
for a vocation — professional, mercantile, or industrial — was obtained 
by a form of apprenticeship. In the development of the educational 
system to meet the requirements of modern conditions, it has been 
gradually extended so that at present teachers, lawyers, physicians, 
engineers and others are directly trained for their respective callings 
in professional or technical schools. Such a method is now accepted 
as an essential one for the preparation of those of ohr people who 
desire to enter those vocations. In view of present industrial and 

( 68 ) 



The Short Course Trade School 



69 



economic conditions a further advance in our educational progress 
is necessary. We must as directly train our youth for the trades, as 
we now do for the higher vocations,, and in doing this we must 
consider the needs of all grades of wage-earners in those trades. 

It is growing more apparent that with few exceptions the ten- 
dency of the present training for trades, such as it is, has been 
mainly in the direction of preparing a small number who may be 
expected to become ultimately the leaders in those trades, to the 
neglect of the far greater number who must form the rank and file. 
Quite as important is the consideration of the needs of those who 
for economic reasons are unable to devote so long a period to pre- 
liminary training, and who are not mentally equipped to receive a 
training much beyond an elementary knowledge of reading, writing 
and mathematics ; but do possess the natural ability and desire to 
become skilled mechanics. It is to those of our youth who wdsh to 
enter the mechanical trades, and who will in all likelihood become 
and remain skilled workmen, that the short-course trade school aims 
to be of service ; rather than to the more fortunate ones who by their 
economic circumstances and exceptional natural capacity will no 
doubt rise above that grade. 

While in some specific manufacturing industries employers are 
successfully training their own skilled workmen, such a method can 
never beconre general. In many industries, for example, the building 
trades, such a method is impracticable. Again, at the Ijest this 
exceptional opportunity to learn a trade can be given to only a 
fortunate small number. Such a method is a business enterprise, 
and the bestowal of its benefits depends primarily on the question 
of the supply of labor, rather than the demand for industrial educa- 
tion. In general, it is safe to say that the great majority of the 
employers of labor realize the scarcity of skilled workmen and their 
own inability to train the material they now secure as apprentices 
or helpers. 

Those of our youth who are compelled to enter unskilled occu- 
pations at an early age, and later have the desire and often the 
ability to become skilled workmen, have learned that it is practicallv 
impossible to obtain employment in any capacity in the mechanical 
trades unless they can show that they possess a certain amount of 
experience. -That the opportunity for some form of industrial train- 
ing appeals to these is evidenced by the growth of the correspon- 



70 



The Annals of the American AeaJeiny 



clcnce schools, the evening continuation schools, and the fact that the 
few existing trade schools are so well attended. 

In any attempt to reach a decision as to the kind of trade 
schools best adapted to our present needs, it seems only logical also 
to consider the class of our youth who may be expected to attend 
them. The employers of labor claim that the quality of the present 
available recruits for the industrial army is poor, being incompetent, 
untrustworthy and altogether undesirable. The tendency of all the 
pro])osed remedies to improve this condition is an attempt to supply 
a better class of recruits by inducing those who are likely to be our 
future workmen to remain longer at school or until they are old 
enough to enter the skilled industries as beginners or helpers. They 
are to receive a special training which is to include practical work 
in trades with related academic studies. This training is, of course, 
intended to attract that very large number who now leave our 
schools between fourteen and fifteen years of age, to enter the 
unskilled occupations. If we are unable to retain them in the schools 
for that longer period, the remetly will fail to accomplish the desired 
result. 

Manual training, which in many respects is similar to this 
l>roposed industrial training, and which likewise required an exten- 
sion of time given to schooling, has entirely failed to prepare a 
sufficient number of our youth for industrial occupations. If manual 
training has failed, is it safe to assume that a similar form of indus- 
trial training will succeed ? 

While it is granted that a very large number do leave school 
at about fourteen years of age, it is claimed that many parents would 
keep their children at school for a longer period if such schooling 
would prepare them to enter skilled industries. Is this not merely 
the expression of a ho])e ra her than a fact upon which to base the 
assumption that such schooling would accom])lish the desired result? 
.\ similar hope was no doubt originally entertained at the time of 
the introduction of manual training. 

It is of importance to understand from what sources our 
present skilled labor is recruited. The last census informs us that 
about si.xty per cent of those engaged in manufacturing and me- 
chanical pursuits are foreigners or natives of foreign parentage, 
and the remaining forty per cent comprise those native Amer- 
icans who do not regard such occupations as undesirable or lowering 



The Short Course Trade School 



71 



to self-respect, and are contented to become and remain skilled 
workmen. It is the children of these classes that in such large num- 
bers are leaving our elementary schools before the completion of the 
course because it is necessary for them to contribute to the family 
support as soon as the law permits them to obtain employment. 
Chiefly from this class it is unciuestionably true that the ranks of our 
future workmen will continue to be recruited or until the time when 
another class of our American youth shall cease to regard ihe 
skilled mechanical trades as undesirable occupations. In justice t > 
this large and willing class we must endeavor, by giving them the 
opportunity to secure better industrial training, to improve their 
standard and to make them more competent, trustworthy and de- 
sirable as recruiting material. 

In the future, under better economic conditions, when certain 
children of fourteen years of age shall not be compelled to work, it 
is conceivable that we may be able to accomplish this in a better 
manner, yet to-day the short-course trade school appears to be 
the most practical way of securing adequate results. There are 
two well-known short-course trade schools that have in the past ten 
years or so turned out several thousands of graduates, a very large 
percentage of whom are to-day journeymen mechanics earning good 
wages, and as such are useful and necessary members of the commu- 
nity. Such schools of all the types so far evolved for the purpose 
have conspicuously accomplished results sufficient to warrant their 
existence. Again, demand is generally a safe indication of worth 
when applied to a question of this nature. Both of these schools 
annually turn away for lack of accommodation several hundred 
applicants for instruction, although those attending the schools 
are in nearly all instances wage-earners who make a sacrifice of 
money and a certain wage-earning period in order to undertake 
a course of instruction which they are convinced will benefit them 
materially. Young persons of this character are not apt to remain 
long in doubt as to the real value of such schools. 

While the fact is to be regretted that a very large number of 
our youth upon leaving the elementary schools devote the next few 
years of their life to unskilled labor, rather than further schooling, 
yet it cannot be denied that by so doing they gain some advantages. 
Such a course develops a sense of responsibility among the more 
capable, and an earnest desire to change their unskilled vocation 



7 ^ 



The Annals of the American Academy 



for a skilled one with its higher reward. They realize in a very 
short time the limitations of their position in life, and are, therefore, 
much better fitted to appreciate and derive benefit from any available 
opportunity to improve their condition. That the short-course trade 
schools now in existence have offered this opportunity cannot be 
denied, and by virtue of their success, I believe I am fully justified 
in recommending to the consideration of all interested in the problem 
of industrial education, this particular type of trade school. The 
establishment of similar schools would at once meet a present urgent 
demand for some form of industrial training. 

The aim of the short-course trade school should be to provide 
an opportunity for a carefully selected number to secure in as short 
a time as practicable a sufficient training to enable them to obtain 
employment in the skilled trades as beginners or helpers. Under 
this plan it is assumed that an efficient short course of industrial 
training, followed by that practical experience gained by working 
at a trade, will suffice to give that degree of skill now required of 
the average skilled workman. This training should be given only to 
those of an age possessing the physical ability and sense of respon- 
sibility required of such a class of labor. Employers in the skilled 
trades do not want beginners or helpers under sixteen years of age, 
and in many cases require them to be some years older. 

The main points to be considered in the organization and estab- 
lishment of a short-course trade school are the following: Plant, 
location, instructors, courses of instruction and requirements for 
admission and graduation. 

The plant should consist of a suitable building properly 
equipped to give instruction in several trades, and to accommodate 
at one time several hundred pupils. This is far more efficient and 
economical than the establishment of scattered trade classes. The 
location should be where the demand is most urgent ; that is, as 
convenient as possible to the homes of the working class. The 
teaching force should consist of a superintendent and a corps of 
instructors. The superintendent should be a technically trained man 
with practical experience, a good executive officer and administrator : 
the instructors, mechanics of the grade of foremen, not necessarily 
graduates of technical or manual training schools or trained teachers 
as generally understood. To familiarize the pupils with shop 
methods and customs, they should be mechanics who have worked 



The Short Course Trade School 



73 



and risen in the trade, and who will be an example to the pupils 
whose ambition will be to attain a like skill. The trades taught 
should be those for which locally there is the largest demand for 
workers. 

The length of the courses need not much exceed five months, 
which would permit two classes a year to be under instruction. This 
instruction should be given in day classes of eight hours each — the 
regular working day — giving approximately eight hundred working 
hours to a course. 

The work of the courses should comprise academic and shop 
instruction. The academic instruction should consist of mechanical 
or freehand drawing, and elementary mathematics with especial at- 
tention to “shop arithmetic,” and illustrated lectures on the theory 
and principles of the trades. The period devoted to this should be 
about one hundred and fifty hours. The shop instruction should 
approximate as nearly as possible to the actual performance of the 
practical operations of the trades, with the purpose of giving the 
pupils a general familiarity with those different operations. This 
would require about six hundred and fifty hours of instruction. 
Speed of execution and further experience will be best acquired by 
actual work at the trades. 

The pupils for such schools should be selected with great care, 
and those who fail to pass a short probationary period satisfactorily 
should be dismissed. It is poor judgment and worse philanthropy 
to permit youths to learn trades, however great their desire, unless 
they possess a certain natural capacity and fitness for the work. 

The principal requirements for admission should be a proper 
degree of maturity and physical ability to perform the work de- 
manded of a helper. On that account pupils should not be admitted 
under sixteen years of age. The possession of an elementary school 
training is necessary, but too much stress should not be laid upon 
educational qualifications, as a youth of intelligence who has had 
an ordinary schooling can readily acquire such education as is essen- 
tial while learning the trade. 

In order to maintain efficiency frequent examinations must be 
held during the course, and at its completion any pupil who does 
not possess the necessary ability of a helper should not be granted 
a certificate of proficiency. 



74 



The Annals of the American Academy 



Evening classes in elementary industrial training^ are seriously 
objectionable for the following reasons; Twenty-two weeks of day 
class instruction are required as a minimum to properly equip pupils 
to enter trades as helpers. One hundred and seven weeks of evening 
class instruction, or approximately three school years, are necessary 
to give that equivalent, and the percentage of those completing the 
course would in consequence be much smaller, as many would not 
remain for that length of time. As a result pupils would seek work 
in the trade before they were fully prepared, which would at once 
reflect upon the standing of the schools and defeat their aim. We 
have only to consider in such existing schools the percentage of the 
original enrolment that complete the course to be convinced of this 
fact. Again, by offering such training in the evening we would make 
it easy for a great number to attempt to learn a trade at no sacrifice 
on their part, and in consequence such schools would be overrun 
with applicants who have no very definite aims. But, as such instruc- 
tion could be undertaken without interfering with their usual em- 
ployment, they would he tempted to try the experiment, thus giving 
as a result a very low percentage of efficiency and great waste of 
effort. 

On the other hand, those attending the short-course day classes 
will be compelled to make a sacrifice of a certain wage-earning 
period, and as a result will appreciate the advantages in proportion 
to that sacrifice. Nearly all who attend will have definitely deter- 
mined to earn a trade, and to make that particular trade a means 
of livelihood. In general, it is safe to assume that the greater the 
sacrifice the greater the appreciation. 

There are among the privately established trade schools in this« 
country several of the short-course type, and in one case- such a 
school has been incorporated in the public school system. While 
the oldest example, and in fact the first successful trade school 
established in this country, is the New York Trade School, founded 
by the late Richard T. Auchmuty in i88i, I shall describe for pur- 

' “The chief objective point of recent iegisiation for industriai schoois in Wur- 
temberg, Germany, is to furnish opportunity for instruction during the work days, 
instead of evenings. Sundays, or holidays, as liefore.” 

“ The minimum number of hours per year is to be two hundred and eighty, 
and the courses will extend over a term of three years, making a total of eight 
hundred and forty hours." — '“Tlie Industrial Improvement Sclioois of Wurtemberg," 
by Albert A. Snowden, Teachers' College Record. (New York), November, 1907. 

“Milwaukee School of Trades, Milwaukee, Wis. 



The Short Course Trade Sehool 



7S 



pose of illustration the Baron de Hirsch Trade School, which I 
believe more nearly approaches in its plan and accomplishment the 
type of school to be desired. 

The Baron de Hirsch Trade School of New York City was 
established in the fall of 1891 by the Baron de Hirsch Fund. The 
school has been in existence for seventeen years, and while at first 
it was difficult to secure pupils, at the present time the number of 
applicants far exceeds the capacity of the school. The annual ex- 
pense to graduate 260 pupils amounts to $34,500, or $132 per capita. 
The object of the school is to fit young men, in as short a time as 
possible, for employment in the mechanical and building trades. For 
this purpose it is the aim of each of the courses to give the pupil a 
sufficient practical working knowledge of a trade to enable him read- 
ily to secure employment in that trade as a helper, and enough of 
the theory of the trade to prepare him for certain and rapid ad- 
vancement to the grade of journeyman. 

Instruction is given in day classes only, because it is believed 
that evening classes are not an efficient means for training begin- 
ners. Two classes are admitted each year, one in February and one 
in August, and pupils are not admitted during the term. Each of 
the courses requires five and one-half months for completion on 
the basis of eight hours a day, giving eight hundred and thirty 
working hours to a course. 

Applicants for admission must be Jews, able-bodied, at least 
sixteen years of age, and must satisfy the superintendent as to their 
fitness to learn a trade. The average age of the pupils admitted is 
seventeen and one-half years. They, therefore, are generally old 
enough to have a definite purpose in view and a full appreciation of 
the value of the training received. Each applicant must be able to 
speak, read and write the English language. This was made a re- 
quirement owing to the fact that some sixty per cent of the pupils are 
recent immigrants. 

There are no tuition fees, but applicants must show that they 
have some means of support while learning the trade. Over ninety 
per cent of the pupils are wage-earners before entrance to the school, 
and it is recognized that the sacrifice of a wage-earning period is 
sufficient to make them realize that they are paying something for 
their instruction. All accepted applicants are given a trial during 
a probationary period of fourteen working days, and at the end of 



76 



The Annals of the American Academy 



that period, if the pupil has shown sufficient earnestness and apti- 
tude, he is enrolled as a regular member of the class. 

Courses are provided in the following trades : machinist, car- 
pentry, electrical work, plumbing, house and fresco painting and sign 
painting. Each course is planned to give the pupil seven hundred 
and forty hours of practical shop work, and ninety hours of corre- 
lated academic work. The practical shop work is directly in charge 
of instructors who are skilled mechanics of long experience. The 
shop courses are designed to give a maximum amount of actual 
practice at the various operations of the trades, and all work is done 
as far as possible in tbe same manner as in actual practice. 

The theoretical side of the trade is explained in frequent lectures 
and shop talks. Various diagrams and models are used to clearly 
illustrate the subjects, and the shop notes are taken down by the 
pupils to be afterward carefully copied at home into notebooks 
especially provided for that purpose. They are at the same time 
given suitable printed diagrams and tables for purpose of illustra- 
tion, and these are to be bound up with their shop notes. 

The academic work includes instruction in mechanical and 
geometrical drawing, mensuration and shop arithmetic. The in- 
structors are technically trained men and skilled draughtsmen. As 
the shop work is done when possible from working drawings, the 
course in drawing is made to correlate directly with the shop courses. 
Primarily the course is intended to enable tbe pupils to read working 
drawings, not to train draughtsmen. The practice in geometrical 
drawing is given as a very useful and efficient form of mental 
training to show the necessity of accuracy of workmanship. The 
course in arithmetic includes a review of the fundemental elements 
required of those pupils who are deficient in the subject; and a 
course in mensuration, with explanation of the fundamental for- 
mulas and practice in the application of them to practical problems 
of the trades. 

During the term frequent examinations are given, and those 
pupils who fail to attain a required standard of efficiency are dis- 
missed from the school. At the termination of the course a final 
examination is given, and each graduate is given a certificate and 
a kit of tools. 

The school has enrolled to date 2,464 pupils, of which 2,062 
have graduated. An average of eighty-four per cent of those 



The Short Course Trade School 



77 



enrolled remain throughout the course and graduate. Attempts 
are made to keep in touch with recent graduates, which have proven 
successful with about sixty per cent of those of three years’ stand- 
ing. Their reports show that at least eighty per cent are employed 
in the trades learned at the school. 

A recent investigation has shown that the average wages of 
some two hundred pupils before entrance to the school was $5.39 
per week. They were engaged in the various unskilled occupations 
that do not require any previous training or preparation. After 
receiving a five and a half months’ course as a special preparation 
to enter trades, they earned immediately after graduation an average 
of $7.54 per week, or a gain of $2.15 due to their ability to enter a 
skilled trade. There has been such a demand for skilled helpers 
that graduates find little difficulty in obtaining employment at wages 
ranging from $5.00 to $15.00 a week, and in about two years’ time 
many graduates are able to earn journeymen’s wages. 

In order that schools of this type may be a real benefit to the 
community they must, by a careful selection of pupils and a rigid 
insistence on earnest and thorough work, maintain such a standard 
of efficiency that employers of labor will prefer, and perhaps finally 
insist, that all those seeking employment as beginners in the skilled 
trades shall have had a preliminary training in a trade school. 



THE MILWAUKEE SCHOOL OF TRADES 



By Charles F. Perry, S.B., M.E., 
Director. 



To trace the existence of the Milwaukee School of Trades, 
from its present position as part of a public school system, sustained 
by municipal funds, to its source, is to study the same means which 
has led to the introduction of kindergarten and manual training 
schools in our public instructional systems the country over— namely, 
private, philanthropic initiative. 

This school owes its existence to the foresight and initiative 
of Frederick W. Sivyer, president of the Northwestern Malleable 
Iron Company. He had always evinced a keen interest in the 
education of the youth of his native city. For seven years he was a 
member of the IMilwaukee board of school directors and during 
much of that time was chairman of the manual training committee. 
On the evening of February 2, 1904, during his inaugural address 
as president of the Merchants and Manufacturers Association he 
presented to that body the need of industrial education for the youth 
of the community and asked for their earnest consideration of the 
problem. 

His request met with an immediate and hearty response. A 
committee was appointed to gather data regarding trade schools here 
and abroad. Loyal support was pledged to the movement. In the 
fall of 1905 part of the original premises of the Pawling and Har- 
nischfeger Company, manufacturers of traveling cranes, was rented, 
and OH January 2, 1906, the doors of the Milwaukee School of 
Trades were opened to sixty young men eager to become skilled 
workmen. At first, instruction in but two trades was given, namely, 
pattern-making and plumbing in the day and night classes. In 
September of the same year the machinist trade was added to the 
curriculum. 

Early in the year 1907 a problem, which gradually had been 
growing more and more serious, had to be fairly met and solved. 
It was a question of finances. To charge students the cost of their 
tuition in a properly conducted trade school means to debar the very 

(78) 



The Milwaukee School of Trades 



79 



ones who need the instruction. Equally impractical is it to expect 
a few to bear the expense of a work so valuable to the entire commu- 
nity. The need of such a school was proven the first day it opened 
its doors. From its outset it was making better workmen and bet- 
ter citizens. It was the opportunity and privilege of the INIerchants 
and Manufacturers Association to start such a work in the life of a 
city, but it was not its bounden duty to continue it. The child 
grew beyond the power of its parent to support it. Since the work 
brought a rich harvest to the municipality, the municipality should 
bear the expense of the sowing. The solution of the problem lay 
in having the trade school included in the public school system of the 
city. To do this, a tax, additional to the one already levied for the 
public schools, was necessary. This extra assessment could be col- 
lected only by the permission of the state legislature. Consequently, 
a bill was prepared and presented to that body early in 1907. It met 
with immediate endorsement in both assembly and senate. It 
passed and became effective July i, 1907. There has been such a 
demand upon the state librarian for copies of this act that all the 
official copies for distribution have been exhausted. A copy is 
printed at end of this paper. 

The Milwaukee board of school directors immediately seized 
its opportunity to take over a trade school well equipped to teach 
three trades and with one and one-half years’ experience in pioneer 
work. On account of this progressive step on the part of the public 
school authorities the original subscribers deeded the entire equip- 
ment of the school to the city in fee simple. 

The passage of the act made two vitally necessary things pos- 
sible, namel}', a longer and more thorough course, and free tuition. 
More floor space was rented and preparations made to include 
another trade in the curriculum, namely, a thorough course in wood- 
working. Instruction in this new department began July ist of 
the present year. This is a brief history of the school up to the 
present writing. A concise description of our present equipment 
and policy follows. 

Instruction is given in day classes in four trades : Pattern-mak- 
ing, machinist, and wood-working, requiring two years of fifty-two 
weeks per year, and the plumbing trade, which requires one year. 
The working hours are from 8.00 to 12.00 a. m., and i.oo to 5.00 
p. m., each day of the week excepting Saturday afternoon. Allow- 



8o 



The Annals of the Anierican Academy 



ing seven legal holidays per year, the total apprenticeship term in 
the first three trades is 4,464 hours, and in the plumbing trade 
2,232 hours. Night classes are in session from October ist to 
April 30th yearly, from 7.30 to 9.30 o’clock. Each student attends 
four evenings per week. Tuition is free in the day and evening 
classes to all young men of Milwaukee between sixteen and twenty 
years of age who meet the entrance requirements. To all non- 
residents, or residents over twenty years of age, a charge of fifteen 
dollars per month in the day, and four dollars per month in the 
night classes is made. This charge is slightly under the actual cost 
to the taxpayer for each student. For all students receiving free 
tuition a charge of four dollars per month in the day, and one' 
dollar per month in the night classes is made for the material used. 
This also is slightly under the cost to the taxpayer. 

In order to receive free tuition a student must be over sixteen 
and under twenty years of age. He must be able to read and write 
in English and perform the fundamental processes in arithmetic. 
He must also show a marked aptitude for his chosen trade. Gradu- 
ates of the eighth grade, or students capable of passing examina- 
tions equal to those of that grade, are given the preference for ad- 
mission. The work of the students comes under five separate heads; 
Trade instruction, mechanical drawing, workshop mathematics, 
lectures and illustrated talks on subjects pertaining and allied to the 
trade, including practical physics, chemistry, metallurgy, electricity, 
etc., and shop inspection trips. Approximately three-fourths of a 
student’s entire apprenticeship is devoted to actual trade practice, 
the rest of his time is required for the four remaining subjects which 
are all vitally essential to the intelligent mechanic. 

Each trade is equipped for twenty-five students excepting the 
machine shop which has a capacity of forty. Thus, the total capa- 
city of the school is two hundred thirty students, divided into 
one hundred fifteen each in day and night classes. The equip- 
ment in all departments is of the highest possible grade. The 
machine shop contains twenty engine lathes, two universal milling 
machines, two universal grinders, two shapers, three drilling 
machines, one die slotter, one automatic spur and bevel gear cutter, 
one speed lathe, fourteen vises, a tempering outfit, and full equip- 
ment of standard small tools. The pattern-making and wood- 
working trades are equipped with twenty-five benches each. Each 



The Milwaukee School of Trades 



8i 



bench is svipplied with a separate and complete set of tools in order 
to prevent conflict between day and night students. The machinery 
in the pattern shop consists of a universal circular saw, band saw, 
jointer, planer, large gap lathe, flve small lathes, band saw setting 
and filing machine, and grindstone. The machinery of the wood- 
working department consists of universal circular saw, band saw, 
jointer, planer, shaper, molder, tenoner, horizontal borer, jig saw, 
knife grinder, large lathe, mortiser, four small lathes, bench grinder, 
and grindstone. The plumbing shop is thoroughly equipped with 
separate departments for day and night classes. 

The entire atmosphere of the school is made as nearly like 
that of actual commercial manufacturing life as possible. Prompt- 
ness, close attention to work, and the highest possible standard of 
.vorkmanship are insisted upon. The moral atmosphere of the school 
is carefully guarded. Tobacco is not permitted to be used in any form 
on the premises. Each boy is a class by himself. A diploma of 
graduation is given each student completing the course in a satis- 
factory manner, even though he finishes it in less than the prescribed 
time. He is taught to realize that the grade he receives for his 
work corresponds with the pay the completed task would bring him 
as a journeyman. His marks are based, first, upon quality of work- 
manship ; second, time required to do the work ; third, his attitude 
and application to his duties. 

The most urgent problem confronting the board of school direc- 
tors of this city at present, in its industrial education, is what 
to do with the boy between graduation from the grammar school 
and his admission to the trade school at the age of sixteen. The 
state law making it necessary for the boy to be sixteen years 
of age before being permitted to enter the trade school is an excel- 
lent one, providing the public school system furnishes a plan which 
will make every boy, who wishes to become a skilled artisan, willing 
to wait until sixteen to enter the trade school. A suggested solu- 
tion is as follows:* To introduce a trade school preparatory course 
into each one of the four high schools of the city, each one of which 
is already excellently equipped to teach manual training. This 
course might properly include shop work, mathematics, and required 
reading on industrial and commercial subjects from which further 
practice in English may be had. Thus, this hitherto unspanned gap 
may be filled with comparatively small cost to the city. 



82 



The Annals of the American Academy 



The future of industrial education in Milwaukee is bright. 
The Merchants and Manufacturers Association builded better than 
it knew when it set its hand to the task. The public school authorities 
are giving the entire problem most loyal support. It is hoped that 
the work may be extended so that the girls of Milwaukee may also 
be able to obtain the advantages of vocational training. 



Appendix 

[No. 75 . S.] 

CHAPTER ..., LAWS OF 1907. 

An Act to create sections 926 — 22 to 926 — 30, inclusive, statutes, providing 
for the establishment and maintenance of trade schools in the State of 
Wisconsin. 

The people of the State of Wisconsin, represented in Senate and Assembly, do 
enact as follozos: 

Section i. There are added to the statutes nine new sections to read: 
Section 926 — 22. Any city in the State of Wisconsin or- any school district 
having within its limits a city desiring to establish, conduct and maintain a 
school or schools for the purpose of giving practical instruction in the useful 
trades to persons having attained the age of sixteen years, as a part of the 
public school system of such city, is empowered to do so by complying with 
the provisions of sections 926 — 23 to 926 — 30, inclusive, statutes of 1898. 

926 — 23. Such trade school or schools shall be under the supervision 
and control of the school boards of the respective cities or school districts 
in which they may be located. 

926 — 24. The school board of every such city or school district is given 
full power and authority to establish, take over and maintain a trade school 
or schools, equip the same with proper machinery and tools, employ a com- 
petent instructor or instructors, and give practical instruction in one or more 
of the common trades. Such a trade school shall not be maintained, however, 
unless there be an average enrollment of at least thirty scholars. 

926 — 25. Whenever any school board shall have established or taken 
over an established trade school, such school board may prepare the courses 
of study, employ instructors, purchase all machinery, tools and supplies, 
purchase or lease suitable grounds or buildings for the use of such school 
and exercise the same authority over such school which it now has over the 
schools under its charge. 

926 — 26. Whenever any school board shall have established or taken 
over an already established trade school or schools it may appoint an advisory 
committee, to be known as the committee on trade schools, consisting of five 
citizens, not members of the school board, each of whom is experienced in one 
or more of the trades to be taught in the school or schools, to assist in the 
administration of the trade school or schools located in that city, which com- 



The Mihi’aiikee School of Trades 



83 



mittee shall be appointed by the president of such school board with the 
approval of a majority of the board. Such committee shall have authority, 
subject to the approval and ratification of the school board, to prepare courses 
of study, employ or dismiss instructors, purchase machinery, tools and 
supplies, and purchase or rent suitable grounds or buildings for the use of 
such trade schools. When any such committee on trade schools is appointed 
two of its original members shall be appointed for the term of one year, 
another two for the term of two years, and the fifth member for a term of 
three years, and thereafter, each member of said committee shall be appointed 
for the term of two years. In case of any vacancy during the term of aii3' 
member of said committee, said school board shall fill such vacancy by 
appointment for such une.xpired term. 

926 — 27. Students attending any such trade school may be required to 
pay for all material consumed by them in their work in such school at cost 
prices or in lieu thereof the school board may establish a fixed sum to be paid 
by each student in each course which sum shall be sufficient to cover, as nearly 
as may be, the cost of the material to be consumed in such course ; any manu- 
factured articles made in such school may be disposed of at the discretion of 
the school board, and the proceeds shall be paid into the trade school fund. 

926 — 28. Whenever any such school board shall have decided to estab- 
lish a trade school or schools, or to take over one already established, under 
the provisions of this act, a tax, not exceeding one-half of one mill on the 
total assessed valuation of such city shall be levied upon the requisition of 
the school board, as other school taxes are levied in such city ; the fund 
derived from such taxation shall be known as the trade school fund, shall be 
used in establishing and maintaining a trade school or trade schools in such 
city, shall not be diverted or used for any other purpose whatsoever, and may 
be disposed of and disbursed by the school board of such city in the same 
manner and pursuant to the same regulations governing the disposition and 
disbursement of regular school funds by such boards. 

926 — 29. Any school board desiring to avail itself of the provisions of 
this act, may, before the trade school fund herein provided for becomes avail- 
able, establish, take over, equip and maintain a trade school or schools out of 
the regular school funds which may be at the disposal of such school board, 
provided, however, that all moneys used for these purposes out of the regular 
school funds shall be refunded within three years from the trade school fund. 

926 — 30. I. When the school board of any city of the second, third or 
fourth class, or the school board of any school district having within its 
limits such a city, shall determine to establish, take over, conduct or maintain 
such trade school, it shall publish notice of its intention so to do with a copy 
of the resolution or order expressing such determination once each week for 
four successive weeks in a newspaper published in said school district and 
shall take no further steps in said matter until the expiration of thirty days 
from the date of the first publication. 

2. If within such thirty days there shall be filed with the clerk of such 
city a petition signed by a number of electors of the school district equal 
to twenty per centum of the number of votes cast in said city at the last 



84 



The Annals of the American Academy 



municipal election praying that the question of the establishment, taking over, 
conduct and maintenance of such trade school shall be submitted to the vote 
of the electors of such school district, the city clerk shall at the earliest 
opportunity lay such petition before the common council. The common 
council shall thereupon at its next regular meeting by resolution or ordinance 
direct the city clerk to call a special election for the purpose of submitting 
such question to the electors of such city and school district. 

3. Such election shall be noticed and conducted and canvassed in accord- 
ance with the provisions of section 943, statutes of 1898. All electors within 
the territory constituting such school district, qualified to vote at any election 
pertaining to school district matters shall be entitled to vote. 

4. If any of said school districts shall be beyond the limits of such city, 
the city clerk shall immediately upon the passage of the resolution or ordi- 
nance by the city council ordering such election, transmit a copy thereof to the 
clerk of the town or towns of which such territory is constituted. The clerk 
or clerks of said towns shall thereupon cause a notice of such election to be 
given and such election to be held and canvassed as provided in section 943. 

5. If a majority of the ballots cast in such school district shall be in 
favor of the establishment, taking over, conducting or maintenance of such 
trade school, then such board shall proceed as heretofore provided to estab- 
lish, take over, conduct and maintain such trade school. But if a majority 
''hall vote against such proposition to establish, take over, conduct and main- 
tain a trade school, the board shall take no further steps towards such end. 

6. If no petition to submit such proposition to establish, take over or 
maintain a trade school to the vote of the electors shall be filed with the 
city clerk within thirty days after the first publication of the notice of the 
determination of the school board to take such action, then such school board 
may proceed as hereinbefore provided without submitting such proposition 
to the electors of the district. 



President of the Senate. 



This act originated in the Senate. 



Speaker of the Assembly. 



Approved 



Chief Clerk. 

, 1907. 



Governor. 



THE PHILADELPHIA TRADES SCPIOOL 



By William C. Ash, 

Principal. 



As the result of an effort on the part of the Master Builders’ 
Exchange of Philadelphia to establish a trades school in connection 
with its work, Mr. Murrel Dobbins, a member of the Exchange 
and of the Board of Public Education, interested himself in the 
movement, and through his activity there was opened in this city 
the first trades school as an integral part of the public school system 
in the Lmited States. 

After the cjuestion of the addition of industrial education to 
the public school system was introduced by Mr. Dobbins, a com- 
mittee was appointed to investigate industrial conditions in Phila- 
delphia and report the trades which were most practiced in and 
about the city. 

Following the report of the committee on investigation an 
abandoned school building at Twelfth and Locust streets was 
equipped with work benches and tools and in September, 1906, was 
opened for the registration of students in the following trades : 
Bricklaying, carpentry, plastering, plumbing, printing, blacksmithing, 
house and sign painting, electrical construction, architectural draw- 
ing, mechanical drawing, sheet metal working, pattern-making and 
pipe-fitting. 

Owing to the lack of sufficient registration in seven of these 
trades, they were abandoned in the day school course. The school 
is in session regularly during each school day of the year from 9 a. m. 
to 12 m. and from 12.30 p. m. to 3.30 p. m. Instruction is offered 
in the following trades : Carpentry, architectural drawing, mechan- 
ical drawing, electrical construction, pattern-making and printing. 
The shop instructors are skilled master mechanics in their trades. 

The aim of the school is the development of intelligent, self- 
respecting citizens, young men who after a short experience in 
actual work should make the highest type of American workmen. 
To this end an effort is made to stimulate an interest in and dignify 
the calling to which the students will go. The school does not aim 



(8s) 



86 



The Annals of the American Academy 



to prepare its students for any higher institution of learning, and 
so does not in any way overlap the usefulness of the existing high 
or manual training schools. 

Of the thirty school hours in the week fifteen are spent in the 
shop work of the trade selected and fifteen are devoted to the study 
of English, mathematics and drawing. In all the academic work 
an efifort is made to present actual shop problems and trade litera- 
ture. In English the course includes grammar, sentence structure 
and some cultural English, letter writing and business forms, com- 
mercial history and commercial law. 

The mathematics includes algebra, geometry, bookkeeping, and 
in some of the trades trigonometry. Problems are given in esti- 
mating from specifications. In the drawing room the work is in 
keeping with the trade being studied. 

.Vrrangements have been made whereby, in the third year in all 
the trades, the students will spend from four to six weeks at actual 
work in their trades with various industrial establishments through- 
out the city. In this way we hope to approximate a finished 
workman. 

Owing perhaps primarily to the general impression that manual 
labor is degrading and to the ignorance on the part of the public in 
general and of the public school teachers in particular of the exis- 
tence and purpose of the Trades School, one of the difficulties has 
been to get children to take up the work of the school. This diffi- 
culty is gradually being overcome as the teachers in the elementary 
-schools learn of the school and by their directive influence point 
those boys who are industrially inclined to the school which will 
best fit them for the highest service and make them of most value 
to society. 

During the school year of 1906-1907 the enrolment in the day 
school averaged forty-five. The next year the number on the roll 
increased to one hundred and twenty-five, and this current year 
there are two hundred and twenty-five young men at work in the 
various trades. The average age of the students is sixteen years and 
six months. 

The student body is made up principally of boys who finished 
the work in the grammar grades and were transferred directly to 
this school, but about thirty per cent of the young men have been 
out of school for a length of time varying from six months to five 



The Philadelphia Trades School 



87 



years, and are now taking advantage of the opportunity offered for 
definite trade instruction. Some of this smaller group are support- 
ing themselves by working at night ; others have quit their employ- 
ments and are devoting their entire time to the work of the school. 

The courses in all the trades have been arranged to cover a 
period of three years. Students satisfactorily completing any of 
these courses will be graduated and presented with a diploma by 
the Board of Public Education. 



Report of cost of Day Trades School for the year ipop-08 











Value of 


Net cost 


Net cost 




Averaere 


Total cost 


Annual cost work 


per 


per pupil 


departments. enrolment. 


per 


oer ounil. 


done per 


depart- 


per de- 






department. 


department. 


ment 


partment. 


Drawing, architectural. 


. .. 13.6 


S869.58 


S63.94 




$869.58 


S63.94 


Drawing, mechanical.. . 




1 .608.47 


64.08 




1,608.47 


64.08 


Electrical construction. 


... 67.3 


4 . 545-55 


67.54 


$i 29.00 


4,416.55 


65.62 


Carpentry 


7.4 


519.32 


70.18 


82 .62 


436.70 


59.01 


Patternmaking 


. .. 9.8 


688.07 


70,21 


109.38 


578.69 


59.04 


Printing 




1 ,864.82 


III .00 


779.30 


1 ,083.52 


64.61 


Total 




$10,095.81 


*$ 72. 1 1 


$1,100.30 


$8,995.51 


$64.25 



♦Average cost per pupil 



The evening school is in session from 7.30 till 9.30 five nights 
per week from October ist until the third week in April. In addi- 
tion to the trades taught in the day school the following are taught 
in the evening school : Bricklaying, plastering, plumbing, pipe-fitting, 
sheet metal working and house and sign painting. 

From the beginning of the movement in Philadelphia the de- 
mand for instruction in the evening trades school has exceeded the 
capacity of the building. In 1907 a second evening school was 
opened in the annex of the Northeast Manual Training School, at 
Howard street and Girard avenue, and the work has been so 
arranged that two groups of students can work in each school, each 
group attending on alternate school nights. Even with this arrange- 
ment, the number of young men registered and waiting admission 
exceeds the number in attendance in both groups. 

Plans are being considered by the Board of Education for the 
extension of the system of evening trades schools by building the 
basements of all new school buildings so that they may be used in 
part for instruction in one or more of the trades. 

The courses in the evening school do not include any academic 
work. The entire school time is given to instruction in actual 



88 



The Annals of the American Academy 



trade work by skilled master mechanics in the various trades. The 
average age of the evening school students is twenty years. The 
percentage of students who are at work during the day in the trades 
being studied varies from sixty-six to fifteen. 

Following is a detailed report of cost for the Evening Trades 
School for the school year 1907-1908: 

The numerals at the head of the columns indicate : 

1. Average membership. 

2. Average cost per pupil per term. 

3. Average value, per pupil, of commercial product furnished the Board 
of Public Education or expended in the betterment of the school building. 

4. Net cost of pupil per term. 

5. Net cost per pupil per session of two hours. 





/ 


2 


3 


4 


5 


Blacksmithing 


151 


$36.69 


$10.61 


$26.08 


.21 


Bricklaying 


33-2 


33-20 


.60 


32.60 


.26 


Carpentry 


337 


24.77 




24.77 


.19 


Drawing 


56.3 


16.62 




16.62 


■13 


Electrical 


no. 


16.85 




16.85 


.14 


Painting 


28.5 


21.92 


6.94 


14,98 


.12 


Patternmaking 




18.69 


•52 


18.17 


•14 


Plastering 


1.3- 1 


36.78 


4-58 


32,20 


.27 


Plumbing 


49-6 


25.80 


.02 


25.78 


.21 


Printing 


28. 3 


23.22 


7-03 


16.19 


•13 


Sheetmetal 


38.2 


27.06 


1,24 


25.82 


.21 


Pipefitting 


iS-4 


44.21 


6.62 


37-59 


•30 



THE MANILA TRADE SCHOOL 



By J. J. Eaton, 

Former Superintendent, Philippine School of Arts and Trades; Director, 
Ludlow Textile School, Ludlow, iMass. 



Industrial education in the Philippines is probably the most 
important and difficult problem that the Bureau of Education is 
solving. The varying local conditions, the diversity of tribes and 
consequent difference in dialects and methods of living require 
individual attention. As iron work of any description does not 
enter into the native house, the principal parts of which are palm 
leaves and bamboo, very few fools are required by the builder. As 
a matter of fact, his whole equipment may consist of a big strong 
butcher knife called a “bolo.” The obvious advantages of such 
simplicity cause one to wonder if any change is really to benefit the 
native ; but, right or wrong, the change is taking place, and it be- 
comes the duty of the white man to see to it that the native receives 
proper training for life under the new conditions. 

From the viewpoint of the American the scarcity of native 
skilled labor and the necessity for making the Filipino self-supporting 
at an early date required that industrial education be given immediate 
attention in the Philippine Islands. Therefore, by act of the Philip- 
pine Commission $10,000 was appropriated for the establishment of a 
trade school in the City of Manila. This money was available for 
use when the first large contingent of American teachers arrived in 
Manila, in August, 1901. 

As no school equipment could be immediately obtained, the 
teachers assigned to the trade school were formed into a committee 
to investigate the various industries of the City of Manila. Agri- 
cultural work was not investigated, but was left to the consideration 
of the agricultural school. Naturally, the first places visited were 
the large factories. Chief among these were the cigar and cigarette 
making establishments. Marine work, both construction and repair, 
was also performed in large shops. In all these places it was ob- 
served that the work requiring greatest skill was performed by 
Chinamen, and, according to the statement of an English superin- 



90 



The Annals of the American Academy 



tendent, fully fifty per cent additional men were kept on the rolls in 
those branches in which the natives worked because of the Filipino’s 
disinclination to work a full week. It was also observed that a great 
deal of carpentry work was being carried on, but with few Filipinos 
doing any of the skilled labor. Plumbing of whatever description 
was unknown in the homes of most of the inhabitants of the city. 
There were few good blacksmiths and no native shoemakers. Wood 
carving, jewelry making and tailoring seemed to show that the 
Filipino could perform very creditable work if the work pleased 
him : and to please him it must not be too laborious. It should be 
stated, however, that, upon becoming better acquainted with the 
native, these early impressions were slightly modified. 

The investigations of the committee showed the advisability 
of introducing trade courses in plumbing, carpentry and drawing. 
All of these courses were to be supplemented by instruction in 
colloquial English and practical arithmetic and were to be as com- 
plete as possible. The object was to prepare the pupil for his life- 
work and not for a higher institution of learning. 

Buildings which had been erected by the Spaniards for use in 
their exposition of 1895 were secured as the first home of the 
school. These houses were single-story affairs, of wood and plaster, 
with tile floors and the customary shell windows of the islands. 
They were located about a mile from the heart of the city. Consid- 
erable difficulty was experienced in obtaining tools and supplies, as 
practically all material had to be purchased in the United States. 
This caused a delay, but a few sets of tools were obtained in the city 
and a beginning was made. Plans were arranged for teaching shop 
classes of twentv-four pupils each, and eventually complete bench 
equipments for this number were obtained and installed. 

The school was well advertised and any Filipino desirous of 
learning a trade was admitted without regard to age or previous 
training. For many months the majority of those who entered left 
after a few days’ attendance. The mastery of the English language 
and the attainment of qualifications enabling them to secure clerical 
positions seemed to be the principal objective of the applicants. 
Other government schools served their purpose better in this respect 
and really accomplished wonderful results, for, during the few years 
of American occupation, English has become more generally known 
than the language of the Spaniard, notwithstanding the three hun- 
dred years of the latter’s control. 



The Manila Trade School 



91 



More than half of those who first entered had been rejected 
by other schools. Some of them were curiosity seekers. At the 
close of the first term barely a dozen of the original pupils were still 
in school, and a part of this number were those taking special 
courses in drawing. It was especially disheartening when it became 
apparent that school progress in the islands was to be rated by the 
number on the rolls. Schools for teaching common academic 
branches were flourishing, and many were established, since such 
schools needed only small and inexpensive equipments. Normal 
schools were encouraged because Filipino teachers with proper 
training were greatly needed. Both of these conditions kept the 
trade school from attaining the important position it deserved. 

At an early date the government had assumed charge of the 
telegraph lines, but skilled operators could not be secured for all 
stations. To remedy this a special course in telegraphy was offered 
by the school. This proved successful from the start, as the class 
of work appealed to the people and the salaries offered those who 
qualified were very satisfactory. An American operator gave prac- 
tical instruction in sending and receiving messages, care of instru- 
ments and batteries and simple wiring. Four hours each day, in- 
cluding Saturdays, were devoted to this part of the course, and for 
tw’o hours a day, five days in the week, instruction was given in 
English and arithmetic. After a few months’ instruction, pupils 
were graduated in this work to become useful operators for the gov- 
ernment. When Secretary Taft visited the islands, in 1905, he 
called at the school and sent a “message" from one building to 
another, stating, “I believe that the future prosperity of the Philip- 
pine Islands depends, in great part, upon the primary and trade 
schools.” 

Just previous to this visit two small kerosene engines had been 
installed, one in the machine shop and the other in the carpenter 
shop. Plumbing had attracted so few pupils that it had been tem- 
porarily abandoned and machine shop work put in its place. Work 
in the shops immediately became more popular, as six lathes, a cir- 
cular saw, a band saw and a planer were added to the equipment 
of the carpenter shop, and three lathes, an upright drill and a shaper 
were placed in the machine shop. Twelve portable forges had also 
been erected and a course in general blacksmithing had been added 
to the list of trades taught. The work of this shop was very sue- 



92 



The Annals of the American Academy 



cessful, although many of the poorer pupils were compelled to work 
in their bare feet. The school now had about one hundred and fifty 
pupils, some engaged in the work of the second year, and a few who 
had been in the school for three years. These pupils represented all 
classes of society and nearly every province of the islands. Two 
Chinese youths w'ere earnest and faithful pupils. 

As originally planned, all courses required that three hours 
each day be spent in the shops, with one additional hour for drawing 
and two hours for academic work. Each successive year the period 
for shop work was to be lengthened and other periods shortened 
until, during the fourth and last year, all the time was to be spent 
in the shops. The unfortunate propensity of the natives for trans- 
ferring to other schools prevented this plan from being carried out, 
yet each year the growth of the school was evident. A new system 
established by the director of education, restricting admission to all 
schools to certain periods during the year, and a signed transfer 
from another school to entitle the pupil to entrance, prevented this 
shifting of pupils from taking place. 

There were now thirteen teachers in the school. The teacher 
of blacksmithing was a former quartermaster’s employee who knew 
his trade thoroughly, but who had never acted as a teacher before. 
The teacher of machine work was also a practical man, while seven 
of the remainder of the teaching force were trained teachers from 
the United States. Of the latter three were women. Four of the. 
teachers were Filipinos who had received most of their training in 
this trade school. One conducted a class in freehand drawing, 
another taught wood carving, the third was a very efficient assistant 
to the teacher of carpentry, while the fourth assisted in mechanical 
and architectural drawing. The latter was formerly a pupil in the 
old Spanish trade school. This school occupied a fine large building 
just outside the city walls in an excellent location. From what 
could be learned from old records and from the statements of former 
pupils, this was an industrial school which would rank very favor- 
ably with other schools of a similar character in other countries, 
both in equipment and in the value of courses presented. By com- 
parison, the school of the Americans must have suffered in the 
minds of the natives, although there was a marked difference in the 
methods of conducting the schools which was in favor of the Amer- 
icans. Chief among these was freedom from any cost whatsoever 



The Manila Trade School 



93 



to the pupil, as opposed to the material and tuition charges of the 
Spanish. The Americans had fewer restrictions on entering their 
school. At an early date the Spanish trade school building had 
been turned over to the Bureau of Printing and therefore was not 
available for the purposes for which the Spaniards had used it. 

In 1905 the Manila Trade School, or Philippine School of Arts 
and Trades, was reorganized. The class of telegraphy was trans- 
ferred to the Commercial High School and changes and improve- 
ments made whereby it was possible to admit three hundred pupils. 
Fully ninety per cent of the total number who entered were taking 
industrial courses, that is, they were studying certain trades which 
they intended to follow after leaving school. Not only \vere they 
instructed in the work of their chosen trade, but they were given as 
broad a general education as was compatible with the limited time 
at their disposal and with their individual needs. It was not in- 
tended nor expected that the school would graduate journeymen, 
for it is doubtful if school instruction can ever fully take the place of 
practical experience, one really supplementing the other. In addition 
to the work already outlined, an earnest effort was made to inculcate 
ideas of patriotism and respect for good government. Thus the ideal 
of the school was to prepare its pupils to become intelligent and 
progressive workmen, taking a proper pride in their work, with a 
working knowledge of the rights and duties of good citizenship. 

Pupils in those courses which included carpentry, machine shop 
work, furniture making, wood carving, boat building, plumbing, 
blacksmithing, mechanical and architectural drawing were required 
to pass suitable examinations for admission. These were very much 
the same as are required for admission to a technical high school in 
the United States. There were no pupils under fourteen years of 
age and no provision had ever been made for girls in the school. 
To further assist in the training of pupils of this class, efforts were 
made to secure practical work for all worthy pupils in the different 
government shops during the summer vacations. Other courses 
which were to be added were sign painting and basket work, the 
latter to include the making of rattan furniture. 

For pupils who were qualified, courses in engineering were 
offered and a class in civil engineering started. Pupils in this class 
were well grounded in what might be called high school subjects. 
Theoretical training was given at the school during the morn in ’ 



94 



The Annals of the American Academy 



hours and practical work in the afternoons, through the co-opera- 
tion of the Bureau of Public Lands, where one of the engineers was 
assigned to look after the interests of the pupils. After the first year 
a small salary was paid these pupils by the Land Bureau, with a 
gradual increase at stated periods until the pupil had qualified as 
an engineer, when he was to receive such salary as his merits war- 
ranted. This course has not been in operation long enough to 
produce definite results. 

It was the intention and desire to commence a class in marine 
engineering as soon as a sufficient number of pupils qualified. Such 
a course ought to be extremely beneficial, as so many engineers are 
required for the boats of the harbor and for the ever-increasing 
fleet of inter-island boats. Possibly this course could have been 
started if the instruction could have been given in the Spanish lan- 
guage but as matters stood, no such instructors were available, 
and no pupils applied who could understand English. 

A third set of pupils, few in number, came to school to obtain 
knowledge of some special trade without spending any time on 
allied subjects. These pupils spent the whole school day in the 
shops and were admitted without reference to the customary re- 
quirements ; in fact, few of this class knew a single word of English. 
They usually remained for a few months only, leaving as soon as 
they acquired knowledge of some particular part of the work or 
because of lack of funds. Pupils of this class were usually full- 
grown men. One man, a former janitor in the school, succeeded in 
making himself a set of carpenter's tools, and is now earning his 
living as a woodworker, although he had no previous training or 
experience. Other former members of the trad? school can be 
found in the shops of Manila, some occupying higher places than 
they probably deserve, simply because of the lack of skilled Eilipino 
workmen. It was hoped that eventually soire of the graduates 
would establish shops of their own. 

Attempts, made at different times, to establish evening classes 
met with but indifferent response, and it cannot be said that much 
real good was accomplished in this way. 

The buildings, once before referred to, were of inferior con- 
struction and generally unfitted for trade school work. Their loca- 
tion near the Philippine Normal School, in a portion of the city 
difficult of access, was a further drawback. Notwithstanding all 



The Ma)iila Trade School 



95 



this, the growth of the school demanded additional rooms. Some 
old sheds were utilized. The pupils of the school boarded in the 
sides with lumber which they had prepared. The floor was made 
of sand and some ashes from the blacksmith shop. 

\’arious plans to secure more desirable quarters for the school 
were not very successful. At one time the City of ]\Ianila appro- 
priated thirty thousand dollars for the use of a trade school, and 
building plans were drawn by the Bureau of Architecture. But the 
civil government did not do its share by making an appropriation to 
supplement that of the city, because the acting secretary of public 
instruction did not think the type of building was good enough. At 
a later date another set of plans rectifying the first mistakes were 
presented, but this was likewise rejected. As the commissioner 
expressed himself, he was highly in favor of industrial education, 
but he considered that a thorough pacification of the islands was 
first to be obtained, then an honest and impartial judiciary, and, 
third, the building of good roads and the promotion of other cheap 
and efficient means of communication and transportation. Then, 
after agricultural and industrial pursuits had been encouraged and 
fostered, the trade schools would easily and naturally follow. All 
of this seems clear and logical, but rather after the style of the 
statement that the Filipinos are to secure their independence as 
soon as they are qualified for self-government. It sounds all right 
to anyone not particularly interested, but it is rather depressing 
and unsatisfactory to those who do not care to wait for their chil- 
dren to grow up to do work which they desire to do and feel capable 
of doing themselves. 

The following suggestions might prove of assistance in the 
solving of the educational problem in the Philippines : 

Agricultural schools would probably benefit every part of the 
country, as some of the staple articles of food, as rice, for example, 
are not raised in sufficient quantities for home consumption. Cli- 
mate and soil conditions are such that large crops of the cereal men- 
tioned could easily be raised for local needs and probably for export 
as well. As each town usually has some special industry, the intro- 
duction of technical instruction in that line of work would naturally 
suggest itself. Investigations into all matters pertaining to the work 
and conditions governing it would follow. But there are many 
undeveloped natural resources which could develop by additional 
instruction in other trades. 



96 



The Annals of the Anierica)i Academy 



The Philippine Islands are noted for the production of abaca, 
or Manila hemp ; yet the manufacture of rope from this fibre is car- 
ried on in tbe crudest possible manner. Other excellent vegetable 
fibres might be grown with extremely profitable results. In fact, 
these islands are the center of the countries producing the long 
vegetable fibres of commerce. It would appear that there are un- 
limited possibilities in the manufacture of these fibres into twines, 
ropes and cloth. In other cases hat weaving or possibly pottery 
work is the chief occupation and perhaps the only one of a large 
village. It may be carried on, not in factories, but in the homes 
where each member of the family has a part to perform. In these 
villages small and inexpensive equipments would suffice, thus leav- 
ing the larger and more expensive machinery to be located in cen- 
tral places like Manila and Iloilo, where it would be more especiall}'' 
adaptable and at the same time available for the greatest number. 

Few nations surpass the Chinese and Japanese in manual expert- 
ness, as it appears in the skilful working of various kinds of ma- 
terial. Personal observation in the homes of both of these peoples 
has convinced the writer that this ability to fashion industrial prod- 
ucts artistically and well is due to very early and practically continu- 
ous training. If white races can be trained in tbe same way and the 
training be so modified that a judicious mental training be provided 
while the care-free happiness of childhood is not disturbed, then 
there will not be so many people who think themselves “sentenced 
to hard labor for life.” With the promises of skill, and the power 
that comes with it, manual workers will see their work in a different 
light and they will demand trade training for their children as their 
rightful heritage. 





TECHNICAL EDUCATION AT THE POLYTECHNIC 
INSTITUTE, BROOKLYN 



By Fred W. Atkinson, 
President. 



On every hand is to be found abundant evidence that there is a 
remarkable public interest in industrial education. This interest is 
not perfunctory and limited, but widespread and profound. Dis- 
cussions of this question are reported and criticised in the press as 
well as from the pulpit and the platform. When the National So- 
ciety for the Promotion of Industrial Education was organized, 
among the charter members were public school teachers, college 
presidents and professors, editors, preachers, judges, manufacturers, 
bank presidents, wage earners, social workers and others. This 
great public interest in industrial education as a social and economic 
force cannot but have a marked influence, not only on the public 
school system, but on the one hundred and thirty-five departments 
and schools of technology which exist at present in this country. 
One of the most valuable results in the movement for industrial 
education will be the necessity of broadening the test to be applied 
to every grade of education from the kindergarten to the university. 
Practical utility as well as the general development of mind and 
character must be made the test of education. Economic efficiency 
as well as mental training must be the goal of all our educational 
workers. This is an economic age, and it is well that education 
has become an economic question in a sense never so true before. 

The Polytechnic Institute of Brooklyn is doing on a small 
scale, I believe in an effective manner, what institutions like the 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Sibley College are ac- 
complishing so well on a considerably larger scale. Half a century 
ago, when it offered its first course in civil engineering, there were 
but six institutions in America providing such a course. Therefore, 
the Polytechnic may be regarded as a pioneer in the field of engi- 
neering education. 

Its history as a college is significant in its bearing upon the 
changes which have taken place during the same period in the 



(97) 



98 



The Annals of the American Academy 



social and industrial conditions of our larger commercial cities. Its 
curriculum at first, when there were no public high schools, mainly 
])reparatory for college, was enlarged to include two courses of 
study leading to the degrees of bachelor of science and the bachelor 
of arts. Later, as a result of its industrial environment, the Poly- 
technic resolved its science course into courses of applied science, 
leading to the degrees of civil engineer, electrical engineer, me- 
chanical engineer and bachelor of science in chemistry. In 1893, the 
number of students in the course in arts and those in the courses 
of applied science were equally divided. Last year ( 1907) the 
number of regular students in the technical courses was eleven 
times that in arts. The arts course has now been discontinued, 
and in response to a compelling demand the distinct and definite 
function of the institute has become the training of men to under- 
take ])rofessional responsibility in the departments of chemistry and 
engineering. In addition to its regular day courses, the Polytechnic 
provides ])arallel courses given in the late afternoons and evenings. 
Such “extension” courses present to those who are otherwise en- 
gage 1 during the day opportunities for securing thorough and 
systematic instruction in engineering and chemistry. 

Location has determined very materially the development of its 
courses. Lully fifty per cent of its students arc admitted from the 
high schools of Greater New York, which are among the best in 
the country. With the greatly increased effectiveness of science 
instruction and instruction in mathematics and English in our secon- 
dary schools in recent years and the introduction of manual training 
in some form as an integral part of the course of study of both the 
elementary and secondary schools the conditions for entrance have 
become unusually high. Recommendations of a student’s fitness are 
always investigated, and this is easily done under the circumstances. 
The tuition is considerably higher than that demanded by the New 
York Lhiiversity. It is the desire of the supporters of the Poly- 
technic that it shall remain a small school which shall make pri- 
marily for the highest efficiency, and thus great care is taken in 
selecting the material. The large city furnishes well-prepared and 
mature students, although such applicants are apt to average a year 
older than in most technical schools. The average age of the present 
entering class is a little over twenty years. This has a very im- 
portant bearing on the character and duration of the course which 



Technical Education at I'olxtcchnic Institute 



99 



should be given to them. It may be heresy, but I cannot personally 
advise such men first to take a full college course and then the 
technical course, but rather the ideal is a five or better, a six years’ 
combined college and technical course. 

^Metropolitan advantages are an invaluable asset. I might 
almost say are an absolute necessity to any engineering school. 
The unparalleled range of engineering practice afforded by New 
York is not merely an inspiration, but a valuable part of the stu- 
dent's subject matter. 

The Polytechnic numbers at present a little less than two hun- 
dred students in the regular day courses, and it is the intention of 
the authorities not to exceed two hundred and fifty. A system of 
small classes admits of an unusually high grade of work, impossible 
where great numbers are grouped and submitted to the same educa- 
tional process. Instruction in the more advanced classes is almost 
individual. This insures thoroughness, the correction of individual 
weaknesses and the development of men of power. I'he rate of 
advancement under such conditions becomes largely an individual 
matter. While the courses are mapped out for four years, yet the 
number taking five years to complete the work is increasing. In a 
small school, I believe it will be ultimately possible to make the 
length of the undergraduate course indeterminate. This is true of 
the course in architecture at the Beaux Arts, Paris, and in a certain 
sense of the courses offered by the German universities. The satis- 
faction of formal examinations should not alone determine the 
candidates’ fitness for graduation, but the degree of practical effi- 
ciency shown in laboratory and field should be considered. 

One peculiarity of our present educational progress lies in the 
rapid strengthening of the present technical courses. The profes- 
sional training now needed is in marked contrast to that offered 
twenty years ago. The industrial world is becoming more complex, 
more complicated, more confusing. Enormous industries have de- 
veloped which require a degree of skill, intelligence and knowl- 
edge, and a high order of executive ability, which were entirely 
unnecessarv in the day of smaller concerns. The demand for 
trained leaders has thus rapidly increased. Meantime, the whole 
problem of higher technical education has changed ; technical edu- 
cation, while retaining its form, has broadened. “To-day the school 
of technology,” to quote President Pritchett, “is called upon, not 



lOO 



The Annals of the American Academy 



for a new form of education, but for an adaptation of its curriculum 
in such measure as to serve the needs of the man and of the engi- 
neer.” No one questions the value of a thorough technical training, 
but many do regret that the graduates of colleges of technology are 
often deficient both in general culture and in those social qualities 
that make for the highest success. In my judgment, one of the 
important problems of engineering education to-day is how to give 
the students a wider culture and how to provide them opportunities 
for the development of those higher social qualities that make for 
leadership. 

A careful study of the catalogues of a large number of tech- 
nical institutions and visits to certain representative schools through- 
out the country show that there is considerable diversity in the 
courses offered in technology. The last twenty years has witnessed 
a generous expansion of our technical courses. They are now char- 
acterized by greater breadth and variety ; and the tendency on every 
hand is to insist more strongly than heretofore upon culture studies 
as essential to the engineer and the chemist. A number of technical 
institutions require that these be obtained before entrance. Fortu- 
nately there has been a decided improvement in secondary education 
in all parts of the country since that celebrated report of the com- 
mittee of ten appeared more than ten years ago. This advance in the 
engineering student’s previous preparation has undoubtedly tended 
to lessen somewhat the burden of the higher institution. For in- 
stance, it is becoming more and more possible, with the certainty 
that the instruction will be well done, for the Polytechnic to require 
that trigonometry and general chemistry be offered for admission. 
This permits the introduction of qualitative analysis in the freshman 
year and cuts down the time to be spent in mathematical study. 
Instruction in the modern languages is being more efficiently per- 
formed, and the next cut will come, I believe, in this department. 
Moreover, promoters of engineering education are beginning to 
question the relative culture and technical value of extended courses 
in modern language instruction for the engineer. 

The curriculum of the Polytechnic includes, very roughly 
stated, fifty per cent of strictly technical studies, thirty per cent of 
studies indirectly technical, as sciences and mathematics, and twenty 
per cent of culture studies. As a result of its traditions as a college 
of arts, which it was until recently, as well as a college of engi- 



Technical Education at Polytechnic Institute 



ici 



neering, the Polytechnic has always placed great emphasis on the 
importance of liberalizing study for the engineer and chemist. Like 
all professional men, engineers should have the broadest outlook, 
the largest view of men and things. In this belief, the Polytechnic 
is including in its engineering curriculum this year for the first time 
brief courses in philosophy, logic and psychology\ In adding these 
subjects to the usual culture studies of English, history, economics 
and the modern languages, it is attempting, with what success it 
remains to be determined, to give a breadth of culture that few 
engineering schools are providing to-day. 

The attempt to give a more general cultivation is not at the 
expense of the theoretical instruction in the mathematical, me- 
chanical and scientific principles, which are the core of every efficient 
engineering course. Quite the contrary. Greater and greater pro- 
vision has been made for special as well as for general knowledge. 
In a certain sense the courses have become more theoretical and 
less practical. It has been found desirable and possible to reduce 
the time given to the workshop and the draughting room. An 
increasingly large number of students are having opportunities for 
good courses in mechanical drawing and manual training before 
admission. Situated as the institute is in New York, the students 
are able usually to secure positions for the long summer vacations, 
which furnish them with an experience of a practical kind. During 
the school year there are those who are obliged to earn part of their 
expenses ; these young men have no difficulty in finding occupations 
more or less closely related to their chosen profession. The majority 
of the graduates remain in New York and secure positions of re- 
sponsibility in the municipal departments or in the larger industrial 
firms. The fundamental requisite of an engineering education which 
would fit men for executive positions is general culture. Its 
fundamental characteristic is a thorough training in the theory of 
engineering operations based on the principles of mathematics and 
science. 

To give this fundamental scholarly training in principles in an 
illustrative and thorough manner is the chief end of the technical 
school. However, for technical work knowledge alone is not suffi- 
cient without the ability to apply it in any given case. Practice 
alone leads to a complete conception of truth ; it is the higher step 
of knowledge, of which general scientific knowledge is the first step. 



102 



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The details of practice can only be taught by experts, and colleges 
of engineering may appoint a certain number of eminent specialists 
as consulting professors. Only successful practitioners can present 
the complex problems of actual practice. From the beginning, the 
difficulties and conditions of actual service and the application of 
theory to practice must be made plain to the student. An attempt 
has been made in the Polytechnic Institute to bridge the gap between 
professional study and practice by supplementing the work of the 
regular instructors by lectures, conferences and demonstrations by 
consulting professors who understand the manifold conditions of 
actual practice. In this age of continual change and progress, the 
regular professors cannot be expected to keep closely in touch with 
all the advances made. These collaborators who have been brought 
in from the industrial world bring to the teaching and the student 
body the latest advances in mechanical manipulation and in the 
application of scientific principles to industry. 

The plan of supplementing the regular instruction in a most 
practical way has worked so successfully in connection with the 
subjects strictly technical that a broader application of the prin- 
ciple is to be made this year. The regular instruction in our course 
in municipal government is to be supplemented by a series of twelve 
lectures to be given by the specialist of the Bureau of Municipal 
Research upon the actual workings of each of the municipal depart- 
ments of Greater New York. I have noted with interest that this 
principle is to be applied e.xtensively in connection with the business 
course which Harvard University has just opened. 

The Polytechnic fails, as does every technical school which does 
not aim to give to the student a capacity for work, a faculty to do 
other work of like character, broader intellectual horizons, purer 
ideas of life, greater confidence in his intellect, and a keener appre- 
ciation of his moral obligations. 

In order that the Polytechnic Institute may benefit not only the 
favored few who are able to pursue the regular day courses, but the 
worthy many, and that its equipment of men and machines may do 
the largest good, it throws open all its facilities in a parallel series 
of afternoon and evening classes to intelligent and ambitious me- 
chanics and practicing engineers who feel the need of higher study. 
The Polytechnic has achieved considerable success during the past 
four years in the service performed by it in this direction. Experi- 



Technical Education at Polytechnic Institute 



103 



ence has demonstrated that these parallel classes can be conducted 
upon a high level without detriment to the quality of the regular 
courses. These courses are especially designed to afford men in 
actual practice opportunities for professional study. There are 
already this year over three hundred registrations. There are fifty 
degree-holding students of other institutions who are working for 
Polytechnic degrees and in addition many others who have partially 
completed the prescribed courses of technical degree granting 
schools. This year instruction in forty-four different subjects is 
offered. The largest enrolment is in the civil engineering subjects. 
There are fifty-five in water supply, which is given by a prominent 
New York sanitary engineer, who has been appointed consulting 
professor ; fifty-four in elementary survey ; thirty-one in railway 
curves and earthwork ; thirty-eight in theory of structures, and 
twenty-two in bridge and structural design. In the mechanical 
engineering department there are twenty-three in steam engineering ; 
twenty in works engineering, and twenty-three in experimental 
engineering. In the department of physics and electrical engineer- 
ing the courses are filled to the limit of equipment and efficiency. 
It is significant that more and more students are entering with the 
intention of completing the full course for the degree. 

These evening technical courses supplement, especially in 
theory, the work done at Pratt Institute in the applied electricity 
and steam and machine design courses. Graduates of the engineer- 
ing courses of Cooper Union, of whom the greater number entering 
wish civil engineering, desire the work in order to complete their 
knowledge of survey, structures, bridge design and higher mathe- 
matics. As no work in English, modern languages, history and 
economics is given at Cooper Union, courses in these subjects are 
well attended. In an enrolment of twenty-two in the course in 
English composition there are a large proportion of men actually 
engaged during the day in engineering and chemistry. 

The average age of those enrolled in this evening department is 
twenty-five. It is of interest to note that men from the municipal 
departments of the five boroughs constitute a good part of the enrol- 
ment. Students are drawn from the departments of water, gas and 
electricity, topographical bureaus, department of water supply, the 
new public service commission ; students from the technical forces 
of the Brooklyn Rapid Transit and the Interborough Rapid Transit 
companies, and the larger chemical works. 



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In many respects this evening work in higher technical educa- 
tion is unique ; it is certainly important. It represents the complete 
utilization of an educational plant. It furnishes an educational 
opportunity to a rare lot of mature men who know what they want 
and how to profit by it. 



THE WORK OF THE PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM AND 
SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL ART 



By Leslie W. Miller, 
Principal of the School of Industrial Art. 



Established in 1876 as an expression of an earnest purpose to 
give effect to the unmistakable lessons of the great exhibition, the 
Pennsylvania Museum and School of Industrial Art of Philadelphia 
was among the first institutions in America to proclaim a distinctly 
industrial aim as the leading motive in all the activities of a museum 
and school of art. The museum is located at Memorial Hall, in 
Fairmount Park, and the school is at the northwest corner of 
Broad and Pine streets, in the city. The collections of the one and 
the methods of instruction which characterize the other, are ordered 
entirely with reference to illustrating industrial history and to serv- 
ing industrial needs. The museum is especially rich in objects of 
American manufacture and in such things as textiles in which the 
inspiration and instruction to be derived from them are most 
directly available for the purposes of the modern workman, while the 
work of the school has been developed along such practical lines that 
it is virtually a trade school for most of the more artistic forms of 
craftsmanship. 

During the first few years of its history it was devoted to 
drawing, painting, modeling and designing, with constant regard, of 
course, to industrial needs, but without attempting to provide in- 
struction in actual craftsmanship of any kind. The necessity of pro- 
viding such instruction became apparent, however, very early. Even 
from the point of view of the designer this was felt to be imperative, 
as the school has always based its teaching of industrial design on 
the principle that the character of which all good design is the 
expression, is workmanlike character, inherent in the processes of 
production as distinguished from anything that can be imposed upon 
the workman from the outside. It was in obedience to this call, 
therefore, that the beginning in the teaching of craftsmanship was 
made. But this purpose was soon expanded to such an extent that 
the teaching of any trade that was at all artistic was regarded as 



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sufficiently worthy and desirable in itself to need no explanation or 
excuse of this kind ; indeed, it may almost be said that the prin- 
ciple stated above has been carried so far that instead of teaching 
trades for the sake of vitalizing the teaching of design, it now 
attaches very little importance to any teaching of design that is 
not directly associated with actual production of some kind. The 
School of Textile Design and Manufacture, which is the most im- 
portant of these practical departments, was organized in 1884, and 
is widely known as the first school of this kind to be established in 
America. It owes its existence to the efforts of many of the 
most energetic and influential members of the Philadelphia Textile 
Association, which was formed in 1882, and which had for one of 
its most clearly defined objects the promotion of industrial educa- 
tion of a kind that should correspond to the needs of the textile 
industry already felt to be acute. No school of the kind existed 
in this country and there were, consequently, neither precedents for 
organization nor trained instructors available. The manufacturers 
knew only that they were being beaten in their own home markets, 
protective tariff and all, and they realized that nothing would save 
them but the cultivation here at home of the kind of skill on which 
the success of their European rivals depended. This meant that the 
spirit in which the work was undertaken was intensely practical, 
and that whatever the school was to accomplish was to be along 
the line of turning out men who could actually do good work. That 
its efforts in this direction have been highly successful the long list 
of men in important positions which is published in the school cir- 
cular every year furnishes the most convincing evidence. 

The initiative in the whole movement — and this means the 
inauguration of practical industrial education in America — was 
taken bv Mr. Theodore C. Search, who was president of the Te.xtile 
Association at that time, as well as vice-president and chairman of 
the committee on instruction of the Pennsylvania Museum and 
School of Industrial Art, of which institution he has been president 
since 1898. i\Ir. Search assumed at first the entire financial respon- 
sibility for organizing and equipping the textile school as a depart- 
ment of the School of Industrial Art. To his devoted and untiring 
service in its behalf from the first inception to its present high state 
of development, more than to all other agencies combined, its suc- 
cess is due. 



Fennsylva)iia Museum and School of Lidustrial Art 107 

In this textile work the distinction between technical education 
and trade instruction, which it is often important to observe, is lost 
or ignored almost entirely. In textile production all the processes 
that formerly demanded a considerable degree of hand skill are now 
performed by machinery, and all educational effort in developing 
higher efficiency, whatever the grade, must be directed to the culti- 
vation of industrial intelligence rather than manual dexterity. As 
already noted, however, the school bases all theoretical instruction 
on practical experience, and believes that the things that are 
really essential in the mastery of any craft are best learned through, 
or at least in connection with, a good deal of practice in the craft 
itself, carried on as nearly as possible in the ways that obtain in 
actual industrial establishments. To this end the mechanical labo- 
ratories of the school are equipped, not with working models, as is 
often the case in Europe, but with full size machines and appli- 
ances, by means of which work of commercial size may be produced 
and the real problems of mill administration and direction faced at 
first hand. 

What has been done in this way for the textile trade the school 
aims to do, as far as possible, for such other industries as pottery, 
stained glass, architectural modeling, architectural drawing, orna- 
mental wrought iron work, interior decoration, woodwork and carv- 
ing, bookbinding, ornamental leather, and indeed almost all forms 
of craftsmanship in which the artistic aim is at all prominent. With 
trade instruction proper, considered apart from its relation to the 
industrial arts, the institution has, of course, not much to do, as its 
objects are first and always the promotion of artistic things. Its 
experience ought, however, to count for something in the solution 
of the main problems with which the whole proposition of instruc- 
tion in trades is confronted. I think it has done enough to show 
that instruction cannot be at once thorough in the cultivation of its 
own particular field, and devote, at the same time, a large part of 
its energy to something else. 

There are those who seem to feel that the work of the trade 
school should be, at most, a sort of adjunct, or annex, to the general 
scheme of culture diffusion and citizenship promotion which has 
furnished thus far the controlling influence in shaping our whole 
educational policy, whether public or private. There are those also 
whose interest in the subject is inseparable from the conviction that 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



nobody can be taught anything worth knowing, in the trades or any- 
where else, who has not first been taught a lot of other things that 
have long constituted the stock in trade of the scholar as such and 
which refuse, therefore, to be separated, in this class of mind, from 
any form of ettort that is associated with the school. To the extent 
that either of these convictions controls the movement, industrial 
education becomes a tail to the high school kite and nothing else, 
and it is just because this same kite is already out of sight in the 
clouds of the impracticable that the demand for something better is 
so insistent. 

The School of Industrial Art does not undertake to teach any 
branches of general education, either English, or classical, or scien- 
tific, except those which find their immediate application in the 
school itself. It provides in the textile school an excellent course in 
chemistry, because a knowledge of this branch is indispensable to 
the man who would master that industry, and because the subject 
can be taught in direct association with such practical applications 
as dyeing, bleaching, etc., and in the art school, history is studied 
from the point of view of the designer, who is continually called 
upon to work in the styles of great historical periods and for whom 
it is highly desirable that these periods should be something more 
than names. 

With these exceptions, the courses are strictly confined to 
artistic and technical subjects. Pupils must be at least sixteen and 
must pass an entrance examination exacting enough to show that 
their minds are as mature as they can reasonably be expected to be 
at that age, and that they have some aptitude for the work of the 
school and some seriousness of purpose in taking it up. Of formal 
lists of questions to be answered there is nothing at all. 

The organization comprises two departments, the School of 
Applied Art and the Philadelphia Textile School, each of which 
offers several courses. In the School of Applied Art these courses, 
which usually require four years for their completion, are as fol- 
lows : 

1. A regular course in industrial drawing, painting and model- 
ing. 

2. A normal art course, covering most of the ground of the 
regular course, but including also work in all those forms of crafts- 
manship which are available for use in common schools, and which 



Pennsylvania Museum and School of Industrial Art 109 

have come to be very generally regarded as belonging to the prov- 
ince of the teacher of drawing. 

3. A course in interior decoration. 

4. A course in applied design. 

5. A course in illustration. 

Special students are freely admitted to any of these courses as 
well as to the classes in craftsmanship already enumerated. As a 
matter of fact, the number of those who graduate from any of them 
is comparatively small. The vast majority of students have some 
special aim, or develop some ability, that leads to profitable employ- 
ment, the call of which is far stronger than the desire to possess 
the school’s diploma. 

In the textile school the case is somewhat different, and with 
the students of this department graduation, relatively, counts for 
considerably more. It offers the following courses, each of which 
requires three years : ( i ) A regular course, covering all branches 

of textile manufacture in cotton, wool, worsted and silk. (2) x\ 
course in chemistry and dyeing, covering not only the work of the 
practical dyer, but the manufacture of modern dyestuffs and in 
general whatever is required to fit the student to fill the position 
of chemist in textile establishments. It also offers the following 
two-year courses : 

3. A course in cotton manufacture. 

4. A course in wool and worsted manufacture. 

5. A course in silk manufacture. 

6. A course devoted to yarn manufacture, covering all matters 
pertaining to stock selection, spinning, dyeing, etc., but not including 
weaving. 

7. A course in Jacquard design. 

Each of these subjects is approached and treated from the prac- 
tical side, and through the generous co-operation of local manu- 
facturers the machinery with which the school is equipped is in 
almost constant operation instead of being, as is often the case, a 
model for the demonstration of a principle which the student learns 
in theory, perhaps, but not in practice. 

Like nearly all the schools with a similar purpose whose history 
I have investigated, either in Europe or America, the Pennsylvania 
Museum and School of Industrial Art was established by private 
initiative and received no public support of any kind until it had 



no 



The Annals of the American Academy 



amply demonstrated its usefulness. The museum in Memorial Hall 
was opened in May, 1877, and the school was opened during the 
following December in temporary quarters at Broad and Vine 
streets, in the building since known as Industrial Hall. It was re- 
moved in 1879 to the rooms of the Franklin Institute, 15 South Sev- 
enth street, and again in 1880 to 1709 Chestnut street. In 1887 it 
was removed to 1336 Spring Garden and in 1893 to its present 
location at Broad and Pine streets. 

During the first ten years of its existence the school was sup- 
ported entirely by the dues of subscribing members, the gifts of 
public-spirited individuals and the funds raised in various ways by 
the trustees and an untiring associate committee of women, supple- 
mented by a very small endowment and the always insignificant 
amount derived from tuition fees. In 1887 the state legislature 
made an appropriation of $5,000 a year, which amount has been 
gradually increased with the growth of the school until it now 
amounts to $50,000. Since 1881 the City of Philadelphia has also 
granted, through the park commission, some support for the mu- 
seum in Memorial Hall, and since 1896 it has made direct appro- 
priations to the school — amounting at present to $25,000 a year — 
and has provided through the board of education for a system of 
free scholarships for pupils of the public schools. 

The school is for both sexes. It maintains both day and eve- 
ning classes. It has a staff of thirty-nine instructors, and its enrol- 
ment amounts to a little over 1,000. The work in which it was so 
early a leader is still in the first stages of its development, but it 
has already accomplished enough to demonstrate the utility of an 
education that concerns itself entirely with practical aims. It can 
point to nearly 1,500 former pupils who have achieved positions in 
the industrial world, more or less distinguished, but always honor- 
able because helpful. The school certainly has produced upon the 
life of this, the typical industrial city of America, an impression as 
beneficent as it is profound. 



THE BEREAN SCHOOL OF PHILADELPHIA AND THE 
INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY OF THE NEGRO 



By Rev. Matthew Anderson, D.D., 
Principal. 



The industrial development of this country dates from the year 
eighteen hundred and sixty-two. Prior to that date the United 
States did but little towards the development of its great natural 
resources. Until then the thought which absorbed the mind of the 
nation was the unification of its heterogeneous peoples into one 
composite body politic : the great battles which were being waged 
over the political issues ; the perplexing questions relative to the 
adjustment of the Indian reservations, and the anti-slavery agita- 
tions, which culminated in the emancipation of four million Negroes 
by Abraham Lincoln. 

Prior to the year eighteen hundred and sixty-two there were 
not more than six schools in the entire country set apart for the 
manual and industrial training of American youth, and these few 
were of such a highly technical character and the expenses of at- 
tendance on them so great that it is quite evident that the founders 
had only in mind the more favored classes, boys whose fathers 
could afford to pay well for their education. 

The poor white boy and girl, and even more the poor Negro 
boy and girl, were not considered as possible aspirants to these 
schools. Yet it is from their ranks eventually, rather than from 
the rich, that the country must hope to secure its defence in times 
of danger and peril. It is from the ranks of the poor boys on 
the farm, and in towns and cities, as well as from the ranks 
of Negro boys down in the canebrakes and rice swamps, on the 
cotton plantations and in the pitch tar camps of the South, that 
this country must hope to find the future men to fell its forests, till 
its soil, fire its engines, drive its locomotives, direct its industries 
and conduct the machinery of state. Notwithstanding this fact, 
the country has been slow to awake to a realization of its oppor- 
tunity. It has been slow to see that by making liberal provisions 
for the manual and industrial training of its youth, irrespective of 

(III) 



I 12 



The Annals of the American Academy 



denomination or race, it would increase its own effectiveness and 
power. 

Manual and industrial training as a system of instruction was 
not heartily received at first in this country, because the system 
was not clearly understood. Especially was this true among the 
colored people, by whom it was thought that the system was intended 
only for them, in contradistinction to the higher or mental instruc- 
tion which was to be confined to the whites. They said, and rightly, 
that there should be no class instruction in this country. That we 
are but one people, and that every attempt to set up a different 
standard of moral, religious, political, educational or of social life, 
for any of the peoples which make up the body politic of this great 
nation, whether they be Jew or Gentile, Mongolian or Greek, Scan- 
dinavian or Italian, English or Erench, Scotch or Negro, should be 
openly resented. 

But the colored people are now looking at manual training 
from an entirely different viewpoint. They find that it means every- 
thing to them as a people. They see that manual and industrial 
training is that system of instruction which will put into the Negro’s 
hands the weapons by which he in common with his white fellow- 
citizens will be enabled to conquer the forces of nature and make 
them subservient to his will. He sees that if he would have an 
honorable part in the development of the great natural resources 
of this country, which as yet are hardly touched, he should know 
how to handle the secret forces of nature and make them assist 
him, as they are assisting his brother in white, in securing for 
himself and his posterity these priceless treasures. 

The Negro sees more. He sees that manual training is not 
divorced from or a substitute for the higher training, but that it is 
a complement of it. That its relation to the higher or intellectual 
training is as intimate as body and mind, that one cannot exist with- 
out the other, any more than that mind in the flesh could exist unless 
it was connected with a living, organic, puissant body. Therefore, 
if manual training is taught aright, it should always be in connec- 
tion with mental studies, not that there necessarily should be the 
extraction of Greek roots or the conjugation of Latin verbs, but 
such mental studies as will have a natural bearing upon and con- 
nection with the manual studies which are being pursued. 

I have just said that manual and industrial training was not 



The Bcrcaii School of Philadelphia 113 

readily received at first, especially by the colored people, because it 
was not clearly understood. It remained for that noble. God-fearing 
man. General Samuel Chapman Armstrong, the founder and apostle 
of manual training in this country, and his most distinguished pupil. 
Dr. Booker T. Washington, to explain and popularize this system 
of training throughout this country. As a result, the six schools 
which existed in eighteen hundred and sixty-two have increased a 
thousandfold within the last forty years, so that there is hardly a 
town in the country which has not in some form its manual training 
and industrial school, ranging from a school consisting simply of a 
single class in plain sewing and dressmaking, or caning, to the 
great manual training and technical schools, such as are in Pitts- 
burg and Philadelphia, founded by Messrs. Carnegie and Drexel, 
and the University of Pennsylvania. Consequently, the .industries 
of this country have amazingly increased, and the United States 
has reached a prowess by which she excites the envy and admiration 
of the world. 

I have been asked to speak of the industrial efficiency of the 
colored people and the influence of industrial education on the 
efficiency and character of the students of the Berean IManual Train- 
ing and Industrial School. I have shown that the colored people 
of this country are now gladly receiving manual and industrial 
training because they regard it as being the strong arm which will 
break from them the fetters of physical tyranny and oppression. 

But it would be cruel to set before a starving man a sumptuous 
feast and not allow him to taste any of the viands, especially if he 
were able to masticate and digest the food and had the perfect use 
of all the functions of his bod}'. It would be infinitely more cruel 
if, after a man has been educated mentally and manually, and is 
made to see and to feel the advantages of his superior knowledge 
and skill, he were not permitted to make use of his abilities. The 
colored man has awakened to the fact that manual and industrial 
training will give him superior advantages, that he will be worth more 
to his employer, be he a mixer of mortar or a mixer of paint, a 
servant in his home or a clerk in his business, than he would be 
if he were not thus trained. But up to the present only the more 
humble positions, such as those in ordinary day labor and waiting 
have been open to the colored man. Except in a few honorable 
cases, the door of hope seems for the time being closed against him. 



1 14 The Annals of the A)nerican Academy 

Would that this country and the leaders of our great commer- 
cial interests could be made to see the golden opportunity that 
presents itself to them. Twelve millions of people are a mighty 
host! If this people be organized and wisely led and be suffered 
to enter the door of hope ; if they be permitted to employ their 
minds and skill to the full extent of their ability, it would prove 
one of the mightiest forces in the development of this country. The 
colored man is a safe man. He is a man of peace, and he is 
patriotic. He is proud of his country, and he is ever ready to defend 
its flag, as he has proven in every war. Never once has he been 
recreant to his trust. The colored people are here, and here to 
stay. They are here as a mighty reserve force to be used in some 
great crisis in the nation’s history. There have been times when 
it was thought that certain valuable products, such as coal, petro- 
leum oil and minerals would become extinct, within a given time, 
if the present rate of consumption be kept up. But long years 
before the time expired which had been so accurately calculated, 
new and more productive veins of coal were discovered, purer and 
more abundant supplies of oil were found, richer veins of ore 
opened up, so that the supply is practically inexhaustible. Twenty 
years ago the Negro, too, was said to be dying out, that it would 
only be a question of time when he would become extinct. But it 
is found out that he must have discovered new recuperative powers, 
for, instead of dying out, he has added at least three millions to 
his number. 

The Almighty Ruler of the universe has made no mistake in 
regard to the colored people of this country. You and I may not 
be able to interpret His handwriting, but we know enough, which, 
if we would but follow and obey, this country would soon be made 
to blossom as the rose. Nothing is clearer than that it is His will 
that these millions of American Negroes, who are thirsting for the 
light of knowledge and wisdom, and who are feverishly anxious to 
assist in making this country one of the greatest and grandest on 
which the sun has ever shone, should be given every encourage- 
ment in their efforts for self-government and the fullest freedom 
to put into operation their desire to assist in developing the great 
natural resources of this country. 

It is because I believe in the just purposes of my people, and 
in the righteousness of the American people, that I have been 



The Berean School of Philadelphia 115 

willing, aside from being the pastor of a church and congregation, 
to give a goodly portion of my time in assisting the colored people 
in the City of Philadelphia along economic and educational lines. 
This leads me to speak a word on the efficiency and character of 
the students of the Berean Manual Training and Industrial School. 

The Berean school, or the Berean enterprise, as we are wont to 
call it, is unique because of its peculiar development. Xo thought of 
founding a school was entertained when a number of little tots were 
gathered together over twenty-five years ago and a kindergarten 
teacher employed to teach them. That teacher has been teaching 
ever since, and some of the brightest and most energetic young men 
and women in the city received their first instruction in this school. 

Neither was there a school in mind when, on February 12th, 
eighteen hundred and eighty-eight, the Berean Building and Loan 
Association was organized. There was not the least thought that 
it would have such a far-reaching influence. Commencing with an 
enrolment of less than fifty members, we have now an enrolment of 
over seven hundred members. Commencing with less than fifty 
shares of stock, we are now carrying over twenty-seven hundred 
shares of stock. The assets the first year were but $5,119; the 
assets now are over one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. When 
the association was organized, in 1888, not a single member owned a 
foot of land. We now have two hundred members who own their 
own homes, which have an average valuation of two thousand dol- 
lars, or an aggregated valuation of four hundred thousand dollars. 
All of these homes were purchased through the association. 

Neither was a school thought of when, in eighteen hundred 
and eighty-seven, some idle but promising lads were gathered and 
a teacher employed to instruct them in chair caning. But it was 
from that class of boys that the Berean i\Ianual Training and Indus- 
trial School was evolved. On the 6th of November, eighteen hun- 
dred and ninety-nine, a number of gentlemen met in the adminis- 
tration room of Witherspoon Hall. Among them were Mr. John 
H. Converse, Judge Ashman, H. La Barre Jayne, II. L. Phillips, 
D.D., John B. Reeve, D.D., and Matthew Anderson. They there 
organized the Berean School. From twenty-five scholars, which 
were at first enrolled, the school has now an enrolment of over three 
hundred. From four teachers there are now sixteen. At first housed 
in temporary quarters in the basement of the Berean Presbyterian 



The Aiuials of the American Academy 



1 16 

Church, the school now owns and occupies property valued at fifty 
thousand dollars. The Berean School is practically a trades school. 

The thought in mind on the founding of the school was simply 
to assist, at night, young men and women who were at work during 
the day, in simple studies, such as reading, writing and arithmetic, 
and in two or three simple handicrafts, such as plain sewing, dress- 
making and cooking. We have now classes in carpentry, uphols- 
tery, millinery, plain sewing, shirtwaist making, practical electricity, 
tailoring, typewriting and stenography, bookkeeping, cooking and 
waiting, and classes in English studies. 

The school is principally held at night, from 7.45 to 10 o’clock. 
The students come from all over the city and from out of the city 
as far as twenty-five miles. They come, for example, from Wil- 
mington, Del., and from Chester, Ridley Park, Kennett Square, 
Bryn Mawr, Cynwyd, Wyncote, Frankford and Germantown, 
Penna., and from Woodbury, Camden, Merchantville, Paulsbor- 
ough and Riverton, N. J. There is no school where the students 
show greater earnestness, nor where they make a greater sacrifice. 
For, when it is remembered that all the students are at work during 
the day and come to school two nights in the week and are in class 
from 8 to 10 o’clock, after which they go to their homes — many of 
them must go from ten to twenty-five miles, and cannot reach home 
before half-past eleven or twelve o’clock at night — their earnest 
and self-sacrificing spirit can be more fully appreciated. 

On the 31st of last December one of my students came to me 
and said : “Dr. Anderson, I want to fill out a blank for my wife 

to join the English department and to pay for her tuition. Please 
give me a receipt, as I wish to make her a New Year’s present in 
the morning by handing her the receipt.’’ That man and his wife 
are now coming regularly to the school twice a week at night. He 
is fifty and she is forty years of age. At the same time he is 
assisting a son through a medical college. This is only one of the 
many noble examples of self-sacrificing efifort which might be 
mentioned. 

The Berean School has been seriously handicapped by want of 
proper buildings, equipment and funds to meet its running expenses. 
If we had these, instead of three hundred students we would 
have not less than five or six hundred. Particularly during the 
last two years have we been very much overcrowded and, there- 



The Berean School of Philadelphia 117 

fore, very much hampered in doing our work. The desire for 
knowledge of the trades is growing among our people. A great 
awakening is taking place. So pressing became the need for space 
last year that one of our board members was authorized to secure 
a loan and to finance the erection of a new building and to leave it 
to me to raise the money and pay off the loan later. The general 
structure of that building is now finished. It is a three and a half 
story brick structure, very attractive in appearance and substantial 
in construction. The basement and the first and second floors will 
accommodate the principal industrial departments of the school, 
while the third floor is to be fitted up as a first-class gymnasium. 
When divided up into classrooms and provided with the latest 
equipment for manual training work, this will be one of the finest 
buildings of its kind in the city. To make the building complete 
will cost nearly thirty thousand dollars. Of this amount we have in 
hand only twelve thousand dollars. The rest must be raised by 
voluntary contributions from friends. 

The school has purchased three dwellings immediately adjoin- 
ing its present property for twenty-one thousand six hundred dol- 
lars, against which there is a mortgage of ten thousand dollars. 
Twenty-five thousand dollars would enable us to lift this mortgage 
and complete the present new building, including the furnishing of 
the same. I have said nothing about an endowment for the work. 
I am sorry that the school has no endowment. The running ex- 
penses amount to ten thousand dollars a year. Most of this money 
has to be raised by subscriptions. 

The Berean School is the only school of the kind in the City of 
Philadelphia, where the colored population is estimated to be from 
eighty to a hundred thousand. This does not include the colored 
people in the suburban towns. Including the suburban towns within 
a radius of twenty-five miles, from which students to the Berean 
School are now coming, there are not less than one hundred and 
twenty-five thousand colored people, and they are increasing every 
year by the immigration of thousands from the South. They are 
coming from the schools and colleges of that Southland ; they are 
coming from the rice swamps and canebrakes ; they are coming 
from the cotton fields and pine forests ; they are coming from prison 
cells and chain gangs ; they are coming from every class of Negroes 
in the South, with the hope of bettering their condition ; with the 



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hope of commencing life anew ; witli the hope of escaping the law. 
I'his is a serious problem, and we should not close our eyes against 
it. We must bravely meet the conditions as we have met the condi- 
tions in every great emergency in the past, and convert into a bless- 
ing that which at present may seem a curse. 

With the suburban towns, Philadelphia is practically the largest 

city in the country in point of colored population. The Negro is 

here and is here to stay. All the solutions to the so-called race 

proljlem which do not take this fact into consideration are foolish 

<> 

and will fail. Now, therefore, since he is here to stay, why not aid 
him in his preparation to live here in the midst of your civilization? 
True statesmanship will not leave him ignorant so as to become a 
menace to the homes and firesides of the nation. True statesman- 
shi]i will not look forward to the Negro as a perpetual ward of the 
nation. True statesmanship will throw open the door of oppor- 
tunity to him, will aid him in his rise to greatness and will be satis- 
fied with the Negro as nothing less than a potent factor in the 
promotion of the highest interests of this country. 

Science is constantly bringing to the attention of man forces 
and agents which were not thought of or were considered worthless 
yesterday. Our streets are lighted with a flash of lightning ; we 
hold audible and intelligent converse with each other miles apart. 
The navies and merchantmen of the world on widely different seas 
communicate with each other and with their home governments as 
freelv and as intelligently as men do on land ; the clay under our 
feet, which was considered of little or no value yesterday, is yielding 
up treasures more valuable than gold and precious jewels to-day 
The thing that was despised and rejected yesterday is honored and 
esteemed to-day. The vessel which was cast aside as worthless 
yesterday is placed in our parlors and classed among our most 
choice bric-a-brac to-day. 

Just so the Negro, who is despised, jeered at and neglected to- 
day, will be received and valued to-morrow, because it will be seen 
that he possesses that which the world needs and the church must 
have for its preservation and the consummation of the greatest good. 



THE INDUSTRIAL TRAINING OF WOMEN 



By Florence AI. ^Iarshall, 

Director, Boston Trade School for Girls, Boston, Mass. 



In the development of industry the most radical changes that 
have been wrought are those which have to do with the place and 
methods of production, and these changes have their greatest signifi- 
cance in the field of education, making the plea for industrial train- 
ing one of the strongest pleas of our modern educational system. 
While the concentration of production and the principle of sub- 
division of labor have meant a manifold increase in the amount of 
product, they have brought incalculable harm to the producer. We 
have been suddenly aroused to the fact that industry is on a very 
unstable basis if this deterioration of producer goes on, and we are 
beginning also to take the still larger view and to see that civiliza- 
tion itself is on an unstable basis, if human beings are to be sacrificed 
to things. 

If we see the need of industrial training solely from the stand- 
point of maintaining our industrial supremacy as a nation, then the 
all-important emphasis must be placed on the training of men that 
they may attain greater industrial skill and intelligence — but if we 
look at the subject from the view'point of the larger needs of our 
civilization, then the industrial training of women is of equal im- 
portance with that of men, if not indeed of greater importance. 
In no one of the great educational institutions has there been 
so significant a change as in the home, and this has affected woman 
far more than man. 

One cannot look back into the history of civilization without 
seeing that the modern woman at work in industry is by no means 
an interloper, but that she is doing under adverse conditions of 
present times what her feminine ancestors conceived, developed and 
saw taken away from them. The “sphere” of w'oman’s activity has 
changed from the home to the factory, and the necessity which 
formerly prompted her to create has changed to the necessity which 
now prompts her to earn, that she may buy what is already created. 
This complication of home and industry makes the task of those 

(119) 



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who are dealing with woman’s training a peculiarly difficult one. 
No one contradicts the claim that the ideal of education for men is 
training for citizenship, and one would be considered altogether 
impractical if he asserted that in giving a boy training to be a 
first-class lawyer, a first-class mechanic, or a first-class bootblack, 
he was conflicting in any way with this ideal. It is easy to see that 
this ideal must come through definite training for a profession or 
trade in accord with his tastes and needs, one which will develop 
in him those qualities of heart and mind which the state demands 
of its citizens. 

Citizenship as expressed in an intelligent care of the home is 
the ideal for the girl. May not it, too, be reached by training her 
for some definite work in accord with her needs and her tastes, and 
so develop in her those qualities of womanhood which society re- 
quires? As a boy reaches the ideal of citizenship in thousands 
of different ways and through a multitude of activities, so, too, a 
girl must reach the ideal through the variety of opportunities which 
life presents. We shall have better homes when every woman is 
trained to be a thoroughly competent teacher, designer, dressmaker, 
cook or what not, just as we shall have a better state and nation 
when every man is trained to be a thoroughly competent doctor, 
mechanic, barber or bootblack, because, through this training, habits 
of industry and definite aims and purposes will be developed which 
will make a finer type of character in both man and woman. 

Industrial training for men has come to be a recognized need, 
and the field of its application is as broad as the world. On the 
other hand, while industrial training for women in so far as it is 
applied to the obvious activities of the home is hailed with delight, 
any specific training to place girls in skilled trades has at present 
more enemies than friends. “Women ought not to be in factories 
and workshops ; they ought to be in their homes,” too often dismisses 
the subject, as if that settled the whole question. For us who are 
women and who work with women, the matter is not so easily 
adjusted, for we realize that, regardless of what ought to be. exist- 
ing conditions make such a state of things far from possible. 

The term “industrial education for women” is used indis- 
criminately to refer to training for the varied activities of the home 
and to specialized training for some particular industry. While in 
a broad sense both are industrial, the two phases are quite distinct 



The Industrial Training of IVoinen 



121 



and must be approached in quite different ways. It is in the narrow 
sense, the sense of training for a definite trade, that I shall attempt 
to discuss the subject, and in doing so I shall try to show that such 
training is of the utmost importance from the standpoint of both 
industry and home. 

What are some of the facts about women for whom the demand 
for trade training is being made? In most of our states the law 
requires all children to be in school until they are fourteen years 
of age. We have no statistics which give us information about 
girls between fourteen and sixteen years of age, but we know from 
scattered reports of various schools that in all large manufacturing 
centers only a very small percentage of girls remain in school after 
the compulsory attendance is completed. We have, however, figures 
which show that in many of the largest cities from fifty to seventy- 
nine per cent of women between the ages of sixteen and twenty are 
employed in gainful occupations outside the home. This number 
would be greatly increased if our figures included the fourteen- to 
sixteen-year-old girls who are not in school, but who are drifting 
about from one unskilled occupation to another. These are the 
women to whom our schools are not appealing. These are the 
women who are flooding our industries with unskilled, uninterested, 
unthoughtful labor, and these are the women who are to be the mis- 
tresses of our future homes. What are these women m.eaning to 
the industries and of what significance is their training? 

Of the three hundred and three industries classified in our 
national census women are found to be employed in all but two. It 
might seem at first glance that the field of opportunity for women 
is widening. However, an intensive study of the industries would 
show that these opportunities are more apparent than real. While 
women are being admitted to a larger variety of industries, the 
minute subdivision of processes in all kinds of work really means 
that they are employed more and more in the unskilled occupations 
which have now become a part of all industries. It is a widening of 
woman’s territory without giving her greater opportunity for ad- 
vancement. In many of the large factories women become the 
packers and sorters. In the mills they are doffers and spinners. In 
the shoe and glove industry they stitch, glue, sew on buttons and 
perform various other semi-skilled processes. But we do not find 
them as lastcrs or cutters of shoes. We do not find them as designers 



122 



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or drawers-in in the mills. We do not find them in the skilled work 
even in our factories which deal with confectionery and numerous 
other food products. They are having a greater number of chances 
to work, but fewer chances to become truly skilful workers. 

It is, therefore, important to keep in mind these changes in 
women's occupations which have been brought about by the evolu- 
tion of industry in order to discover the significance of training. 
First: what is the lack of training meaning to skilled industries? 
Take, for example, the dressmaking trade. What effect has the un- 
trained work of women upon that trade? Statistics are not needed 
to prove that the standard of our product is not as high as it ought 
to be. Our stores are flooded with garments poorly made, poorly 
designed and showing altogether a lack of understanding regarding 
materials, color combinations and fitness. The ability to originate 
is not found among our workers, so that practically all of our 
models in the great clothing industries are brought from foreign 
countries, where much emphasis is laid on training. This must 
mean that such industries are maintained at an excessive expense. 
Then, too, to secure workers in these skilled trades entails a con- 
stant economic waste. Many who might be most valuable are never 
known to the industry because they have never had the opportunity 
to discover their own talents. Trained workers would he of immense 
profit to the industry, while now the endeavor to discover good work- 
ers and the cost of training those who seek entrance to the trade, 
regardless of fitness, result in a serious loss. If women were trained 
for these industries, we should have a higher standard of product, a 
better supply of labor, a lessening of expense in the cost of pro- 
duction, and an ability to pay fairer wages and to sell at more 
reasonable figures. 

The untrained status of women has, too, its bad effect upon 
industries wdiere the introduction of machinery has brought about 
a very great division of processes and where production is conducted 
on a large scale. Many such industries are in themselves skilled, 
but contain numerous occupations which require little training to 
perform what may be called a semi-skilled process. The effect upon 
the industry of such semi-skilled workers is shown by a steady 
shifting of employees and a constant breaking in of new workers, 
resulting in an economic waste. Moreover, a girl, not knowing the 
relation of her particular task to other parts of the work, per- 



The Industrial Training of IVonicn 



123 



forms it in a disinterested and usually unintelligent manner, some- 
times incurring heavy financial losses, in the way of damage to 
materials and machinery. A mill owner once said to me, “A girl 
who was trained to do her work would know better than to leave 
a pin in her cloth while weaving, which means hundreds of dollars' 
damage to a piece of delicate machinery.” 

In such industries as the shoe and glove industry, where the 
skilled work is done by men, and where the standard of product 
is dependent upon their efforts, the effect of untrained women work- 
ers in semi-skilled occupations is not so marked, but in the manu- 
facture of clothing, which is primarily dependent upon the taste 
and originality of women, we shall always have an inferior product 
unless women are trained. 

What is true of the semi-skilled work is true to a more marked 
degree in industries where processes performed by women are wholly 
unskilled. Women in unskilled occupations require a large amount 
of supervision, they take no serious attitude toward their work and 
no interest in helping to make the industry successful. They are 
shifting and unstable to a degree which has its effect upon both the 
amount and kind of product. 

It is in connection with these unskilled occupations, where there 
are many thousands of young girl workers who are thinking of 
nothing but the few dollars they can earn, that we have one of our 
most difficult industrial and social problems. It is here that we 
must place the responsibility for much of woman’s unfitness for the 
home. It is here that we see most clearly what the lack of training 
means. If we look at any large manufacturing city, the hopelessness 
of the situation presents itself. In many of our cities more than 
three-fourths of the girls are receiving no schooling beyond the 
grammar grades, but are entering factories and workshops with no 
other thought than to earn enough to supply their immediate needs. 
^’ictims as they are of industrial changes which have taken away 
their chances of development, they are commencing life without any 
knowledge of its meaning. Girls of the present day know nothing 
of the necessity to create, which came to their mothers and grand- 
mothers before all the processes of production became a part of the 
great factory system and the home was supplied with its every need 
“ready made.” Little in their lives is contributing to their industrial 
sense. If they begin work at the close of their grammar school 



124 



The Annals of the American Academy 



period, it cannot be of a nature to require skill and judgment, but 
must be merely a mechanical repetition of some process — a matter 
of running errands, tending a machine or some similar occupation, 
promising nothing in the future. 

What is the relation of such an occupation to a girl’s future 
home? It determines first of all her social scale and the type of 
man she will probably marry. Her companionship is limited to men 
who, like herself, are unskilled workers or who are of shiftless and 
irresponsible character ; this is not alone because of her grade of occu- 
pation, but because of her scale of living. 

It too frequently means the undermining of a girl’s physical 
constitution, not always because the occupation in itself is harmful, 
but more often because she does not know how to approach her 
work in an intelligent way. Sometimes it is a matter of workroom 
conditions, which a trained person might help to improve, hut often 
it is a lack of knowledge regarding the needs and care of the body, 
A willingness to work among unclean surroundings and in bad air, 
a readiness to eat unwholesome and non-nutritious food, and the 
necessity of seeking pleasure at night, to counteract the dull 
monotony of routine work, result in the absolute ruin of many a 
girl’s physical constitution. 

The effect of unskilled occupations upon woman’s general intel- 
lectual development is manifold. The fact that unskilled processes 
require little or no thought inevitably brings about a deterioration 
of mind resulting from lack of use. Where there is no incentive to 
thought there is neither conscious nor unconscious growth, but 
mental stagnation. It is impossible for a girl to become generally 
intelligent and efficient if she spends the most formative years of 
her life amid surroundings which are powerless to arouse her ambi- 
tions and which too frequently deaden her finer sensibilities. 

Not only are unskilled girl workers stunted in their growth 
physically and intellectually, but circumstances which make this 
possible too often result in a still more serious situation. The closed 
door of opportunity ahead, the "wage usually too small to furnish the 
bare necessities of life and the apathy resulting from monotonous 
labor prevent the cultivation of any ethical sense, and tend to make 
girls careless and reckless regarding their moral standards. 

These stultifying eft'ects incident to women’s employment in 
unskilled work have their obvious bearing upon the home. The 



The Industrial Training of IFoinen 



125 



majority of girls in this walk of life marry and have homes of their 
own, but what sort of homes can we expect girls to make when the 
years of preparation have been spent in this fashion? Must we 
accept the situation as unchangeable? If not, what can be done 
to better it? Women have always worked. Women must always 
work if they are to attain their highest and best development. The 
question is not, shall we keep them out of workshops and factories, 
but with what training shall we have them enter? Not how shall 
we strengthen the home under ideal conditions, but how shall we im- 
prove it under existing conditions? 

We hear much in these days about home training. Its advo- 
cates are invading our colleges, our high schools and even our 
grammar grades, whether rightly or wrongly I cannot say. In 
general, I believe that every girl ought to have an opportunity to 
know as much as she cares to know about all subjects pertaining 
to home management, whether she has but one year or eight to 
devote to its study. In general, too, I believe that the time to lay 
the foundation for domestic tastes is in the years between the kinder- 
garten and the high school. But I am not among those who believe 
that such training, even if offered universally, will be as far-reaching 
as it should be, nor that it will strike at the root of the difficulty. It 
would be interesting to discover how schools of this kind would 
affect the situation in manufacturing centers, where now seventy 
per cent or more of all the women of high school and college age 
are at work. 

Industrial training for women, if it is to serve its highest and 
best purpose, should somehow reach the women and girls who do and 
who must work. It must not deal with them on any sentimental 
plane of what may or may not be their future ; it must deal with them 
on the plane of their present needs, and, without sacrificing the ideal, 
train them to do well whatever work they care to undertake. If they 
can devote but one year to learning something which will admit 
them to a skilled industry, this opportunity should be given them. 
It is a gain if the' year of training results in acquisition of even the 
lowest grade of technical skill, for it has given the chance for many 
an inspiration, and it has helped the girl to take the “next step" 
intelligently. 

Among unskilled women workers there are many who would 
rank among the highly skilled if they could have had the opportunity 



126 



The A)uials of the America)i Academy 



for training in early life. There are, moreover, thousands of girls 
who are yearly swelling the number of unskilled workers because 
schools are not fitting them for anything better, while the level of 
those who, regardless of opportunity, would still be unskilled, would 
be decidedly raised if they could receive even the minimum of 
training. 

The experience I have had in teaching trades to girls who would 
otherwise go to work as soon as they could withdraw from public 
school has strengthened my belief that this training has had a 
beneficial effect upon the home, although having as its distinct aim 
preparation for some special trade. It has opened their eyes to the 
needs of their physical well-being ; it has stimulated them to higher 
ideals of companionship ; it has helped them to take keener pleasure 
in their work and to seek ways of advancement. Moreover, 
the opportunity to earn a higher wage has increased their self- 
respect and raised their standard of living. The ability to do well 
even a minor grade of work has broadened the girl’s interest, and 
has given her a technical efficiency which she can turn to account 
in the household. 

By raising the standard of health, cleanliness and morality, by 
stimulating interest in learning to do something which requires exer- 
cise of the mind, by giving sufficient technical skill to insure oppor- 
tunities of advancement, and by making possible a wage sufficient to 
maintain self-respect, that home which most needs attention is being 
reached — and reached most effectively, 



THE RELATIVE VALUE AND COST OF \’ARIOUS 
TRADES IN A GIRLS’ TRADE SCHOOL 



By Mary Schenck Woolman, 

Professor of Domestic Art in Teachers College, Columbia Universitj-, and 
Director of Manhattan Trade School for Girls, New York City. 



Trade schools, which directly aim to fit young women for 
specific occupations in which they can support themselves are not 
numerous in the Lmited States, but a definite movement toward 
their organization is evident at the present time. There have been 
many sporadic efforts to understand the industrial conditions under 
which women work, and the physical and moral eff'ect such work 
is having upon them, but concerted and comprehensive investiga- 
tion is greatly needed. Serious study of these subjects is abso- 
lutely essential as a preliminary to organizing trade classes in any 
community, and work begun without such preparation may be 
positively harmful from the lack of knowledge of the problems 
involved. 

It is true that many schools of a technical or domestic nature 
have been started to train women, but the instruction in them has 
been heretofore, for the home or for educational purposes rather 
than for business. The trades, if they are represented at all in these 
schools, are general in character covering often many branches of 
an industry in a short series of lessons, and not with the particular 
' subdivisions and special ecjuipment which are found at present in 
the regular market. Such schools serve a direct and beneficial 
purpose, but only indirectly affect the industrial value of the work- 
ing girl. 

In considering “The Relative A'alue and Cost of Wrious 
Trades in a Girls’ Trade School,’’ the equipment, budget, curriculum 
and courses of work in these technical-domestic schools give but a 
partial view of the subject. Only the real trade school can offer 
specific suggestions, but these are unfortunately limited in number, 
and their experience extends back only a few years. The subjects 
taught in them and the methods of instruction are still, of necessity, 
in a changing and developing condition. 

(127) 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



The data for this article are based upon actual conditions in 
several schools which deal chiefly with trade needs and endeavor 
constantly to keep in touch with the industries for which they offer 
instruction. The deductions, however, must be considered sug- 
gestive rather than final, on account of the newness of the work. 

Docs experience in trade school organization enable one to give 
a list of good trades for women? Many influences unite in any 
given locality in settling the industrial opportunities for workers. 
A trade which is good in one city may be seldom or never found 
in another, and hence a list of good trades cannot be made for 
universal application. Even though some occupations seem to be 
found everywhere, the workroom requirements diifcr widely and 
need special consideration. Such a list would, therefore, have to 
be accompanied by so many important qualifications that, in the end, 
personal investigation alone could prove that the subject should be 
taught in the schools of any particular place. 

Women and girls are now admitted into the majority of trades 
in the United States. The conditions of work in many of them are 
unsatisfactory. In some, the girls pick up odd jobs in which, if 
they gain speed they can make more or less fair wages, but from 
which they are not helped to better positions. Wrapping braid, 
sorting silk, tying fringe, taking out and putting in buttons in a 
laundry, dipping candy, assorting lamps, and the like, may be men- 
tioned as representative. In still other classes of work they are 
employed only at inexpert or even menial tasks, all advance being 
blocked. Instances of such occupations are those in wdiich the bulk 
of the work requires great physical strength, as in tending massive 
machinery. In many good trades the future is closed to w'omen, for 
the reason that the expert work is in the hands of men w'ho are 
protected by their unions. This is the case, for example, in book- 
binding, lithography, and parts of the upholstery trade in New York 
City. The training of women for occupations where their progress 
is stopped or where they are only allowed to do the inexpert work, 
with the consequently low wage, is useless. Still again, there are 
positions which offer a good wage, the demand for workers being 
greater than the supply, but where there is small chance for advance 
unless the education and ability are above the average. Clerical 
work in business houses, in lawyers’ offices, or in banks, is an in- 
stance of such employment. 



Value and Cost of a Girls' Trade Seliool 



129 



Bad physical conditions are found to attend some trades in 
large cities. Such emplo}-ments deplete the strength of women, and 
in many instances lead to immorality. There is danger of this kind 
when the market demands a cheap article and the workrooms pro- 
viding it are small, the ceilings low, the rooms overcrowded with 
workers, the product piled up all about, the demand for inexpert 
workers large, and the pay small. 

Many working girls are already in poor physical condition. 
Trades which may be harmless to the strong are injurious to them, 
and unsanitary workrooms are disastrous. In many cities incipient 
tuberculosis is found. For girls thus affected the continual sitting 
in a constrained position as in fine sewing ; the crowded workrooms ; 
those trades which give off' dust, lint or fine particles, and the warm, 
moist air of a laundry should be avoided. Occupations should be 
chosen which require standing or moving freely about in good, dry 
air, as in many forms of delicate pasting and novelty work, or in 
the work of stock clerks and buyers. Incipient curvature of the 
spine is found also where the poor are crowded together in tene- 
ments and the children are underfed and consequently senemic. 
Foot and power machine work and trades requiring the worker to 
lean for hours over varieties of fine handwork are bad for those 
whose spines are weak as well as for those whose eyes are affected. 
Certain other trades, even if they pay well, should be avoided by 
all women on account of the bad physical reactions which are almost 
sure to follow. Illustrations of these are work on cut glass, cigar 
stripping, pearl button making, fur and feather work, and X-ray 
and many other forms of electrical work, unless guards are provided. 

Into such employments as have been mentioned thousands of 
girls enter. They find each unsatisfactory in turn, and wander into 
the next in search of something better. They do not become more 
capable as they proceed, for one experience does not fit them 
for the next. The director of a trade school must know how the 
majority of women are employed in her community, even though 
she rejects most of these occupations from the curriculum of the 
school, and chooses only those in which there is hope of future ad- 
vance. In the expert trades themselves she finds discouraging con- 
ditions even for the trained workers. The long slack seasons which 
occur in many otherwise good trades are so serious that a girl often 
prefers a poorer occupation with steady wage all of the year to such 



130 The Annals of the American Academy 

liighly paid, temporary positions. Millinery, machine straw hat 
making, and many forms of novelty work are instances of such 
seasonal work. As uncertainties of this kind exist in all industrial 
communities, each city must, of necessity, determine for itself the 
advantage of subjects for trade instruction. If poor seasons inter- 
fere with a good trade the director must find an allied occupation 
which is busy when the other is slack, and train each worker for both. 
Otherwise a girl, even when she is considered capable and is 
placed in a good position, will find she must yearly go through 
months of idleness or else wander about in search of something to 
yield her a small support during the interval in her regular 
business. 

Special industries requiring skilled workers are located in some 
cities. New York, for instance, is the center of the ready-to-wear 
clothing trades. The work is highly specialized, ranging from the 
very simple for the unskilled hands to the most delicate and elab- 
orately decorated for workers of ability and long experience. A 
school situated here must of necessity prepare for the needs of these 
numerous workrooms. In other large cities trades of this special 
character may not be found at all, but occupations of a different 
kind which also need trained workers may be developed. For in- 
stance, corset factories requiring experienced hands on electric 
power machines ; textile and lace manufacture requiring the finest 
hand sewers, repairers and darners ; and passementerie and dress 
trimming workrooms, where knowledge of the control of the various 
foreign and domestic embroidery machines is a necessity. 

Although it is difficult to enumerate trades which are good in 
all parts of the United States, general statements may be made of 
necessary conditions which should be met. Good trades for instruc- 
tion are those which require expert workers ; which employ large 
numbers of women ; which are with difficulty learned in trade work- 
rooms ; which pay good wages and offer the chance of continual 
promotion for better work ; which have favorable physical, sanitary 
and moral conditions in the workrooms ; which provide a steady 
occupation during most of the year, or if seasonal, hold out 
a prospect to the workers of a possible temporary transfer with fair 
pay to another allied trade during the slack season. 

It can be said in general also that workrooms should be avoided 
in which the principal object is the cheapest work; in which the 



Value and Cost of a Girls' Trade School 131 

product is in demand and very inexpensive, or where men and girls 
are working together; in which the workrooms are crowded, dark 
and unsanitary ; in which machines are rapidly taking the place of 
handwork, and men’s trades intervene. Trades that are well organ- 
ized are generally better than the unorganized. Work in the factory 
is usually better than is the custom work in the home, for the fac- 
tor}' is more apt to observe the laws in regard to light, air, cleanli- 
ness, and hours of work. 

Still another question which needs thoughtful investigation is 
the effect the trade school will have on the working people of any 
community. Oversupplying workers for a trade and thus lowering 
wages, or training for work which will throw men out of employ- 
ment while girls step in for less remuneration, and providing work- 
ers during a strike, are serious mistakes for a trade school to make 
if it wishes to help the class which needs help most. 

The careful investigation in Xew York City of all of the above- 
mentioned conditions resrdted in the selection of the following trades 
for the curriculum of the Alanhattan Trade School for Girls, begun 
November, 1902. To this list general statements of the length of 
the season of employment and of the wages secured are also added. 
The need to be self-supporting compels thousands of girls in this 
city to go to work when the compulsory school years (until the age 
of fourteen) are over. Those who come to the school can give but 
a few months or a year at most to preparation. Hence the courses 
must be short and directly adapted to the needs : 

I. Use of electric power sewing machines. 

1. General operating — 

(Cheaper variety of work — seasonal, fair wages. Better grade of 
work — year round, fair and good wages piece or week work). 

Shirtwaist making. 

Children’s dressmaking (cloth and cotton). 

Boys’ waists. 

Infants’ wea.r. 

Children’s underclothing. 

Women’s underwear. 

Fancy petticoats, kimonos and dressing sacques. 

2. Special machines — (seasonal to year round work, depending on kind 

and demand, wages good). 

Lace stitch. 

Hemstitching. 

Buttonhole. 

Embroidery (hand and bonnaz). 



132 The Annals of the American Academy 

3. Dressmaking operating — (year round, wages good). 

Lingerie. 

Fancy waists and suits. 

4. Straw sewing — (excellent wages for a short seasoii, but the worker 

can then return to good wages in general operating). 

Women’s and men’s hats. 

II. Use of the needle and foot-power sewing machines — (seasons nine to 
eleven months, and fair to good wages). 

Uniforms and aprons. 

White work and simple white embroidery. 

Gymnasium and swimming suits, wholesale and custom. 

Lingerie. 

Dress embroidery. 

Dressmaking, plain and fancy. 

Millinery — (short seasonal work, low wages, difficult for the average 
young worker to rise). 

III. Use of paste and glue. 

Sample mounting (virtually year work, fair wages). 

Sample bookcovers. 

Labeling. 

Tissue paper novelties and decorations — (seasonal and year round 
work, good wages). 

Novelty work — (year round work changed within workroom to meet 
demand, wages good). 

Jewelry and silverware casemaking — (year round work, wages good). 

IV. Use of brush and pencil — (year round work, good wages). 

Special elementary art trades. 

Perforating and stamping. 

Costume sketching. 

Photograph and slide retouching. 

Note. — Year round work usually includes a holiday of longer or shorter 
duration. 

At the Manhattan Trade School, besides the trade work, the stu- 
dents must each have art and academic work as a direct part of their 
trade. Wholesale trade and custom work are taken in all depart- 
ments to give reality to the instruction, to serve as a basis of true 
criticism, and to provide materials of the right character upon which 
to work. The school is open all of the year ; students can enter at 
any time, the only requirements being that they can get working 
papers, are in fair physical condition, and have a reliable person to 
introduce them. A large number who enter have not graduated 
from the public schools, and many have only reached the fifth or 
sixth grade. While two-year courses are offered, the work is so 



Value and Cost of a Girls’ Trade School 



1.53 



planned that those who must support themselves can be prepared 
for some wage-earning position, even if they can remain but three 
months. Placement is done by the school through a secretary, who 
gives her time to this subject. 

Five years of experience at this school gives the wages of those 
who have been placed in trade, and shows first, the tendency of each 
worker to rise to better positions, and second, the increasing wage 
at entering the market owing to improved methods of training the 
workers. This experience also shows that employers of labor appre- 
ciate the value of the girl trained at the school. 





Wages upon entering trade. 


After 2 to 4 


Possibilities in 




1903. 


1907 


years in trade 


the trade 


Dressmaking 


•$3 


to $5 


$4 to $7 


$5 to $12 


$25 or own 
establishment. 


Millinery 

Operating (including 


• 2.50 


to 4 


3 to 5 


4 to 9 


12 to 25 or 
own establish- 
ment. 


straw hat making) . 


• 3 


to 6 


4 to 8 


5 to 25 


15 to 40 


Novelty 


• 3 


to 5 


3 to 6 


6 to 10 


18 to 25 


Trade art 






5 to 8 


Work organ- 20 up. 



ized but a 
short time. 



From the table it would seem that in New York City the good 
worker on electric power machines has the best opportunity for a 
good wage ; dressmaking is next, and novelty work follows closely. 
Millinery is the lowest and is also the most affected by sea.sonal 
occupations. Teaching the skilled use of the needle affects one- 
fifth of the women employed in this city, and hence it seems essen- 
tial to offer training in this line. 

The studv of business conditions has been found to be con- 
stantly necessary, the requirements in the New York workrooms 
varying on account of fashion, labor difficulties, or new mechanical 
contrivances. Every }-ear the school has dropped something from 
the curriculum, changed the method of teaching work already estab- 
lished or has added a new subject to the course. Thus knowledge of 
trade needs is vital. 

The Boston Trade School, which began in 1904, two years after 
the Manhattan Trade School, faces similar problems in being obliged 
to prepare workers for positions as speedily as possible on account 



134 



The Annals of the American Academy 



of their poverty and need to be self-supporting. A study of trade in 
lliat city preceded the organization of the instruction and continues 
to Ijc necessary, as is the case at the Manhattan Trade School. 

I'he following trades are taught in Boston : 

Dressmaking: So graded that girls who have not the ability to 
(b> very skilful work may specialize in children's clothes, underwear, 
shirtwaists, or wash dresses. At present this trade offers the great- 
est demand for trained girls, shows apparently more appreciation 
of tl'e value of training and offers a higher beginning wage. The 
workrooms are busy nine or ten months in the year. 

Clothing Machine Operating: Dealing with ready-made factory 
clothing, — aprons, men's shirts, shirtwaists, petticoats, underwear, 
etc., Init not ready-made dresses. This trade constantly demands 
workers, but does not offer good pay. Girls seeking training are 
not attracted to it. 

Straze Machine Operating: For all kinds of ready-made straw 
hats. This trade offers excellent wages and a six to eight months’ 
season for a limited number of girls. 

Millinery for Custom Trade: Eagerly takes the trained workers 
and offers good opportunities for advancement. The seasons are 
short. 

It can be seen that these schools, in fitting into the industrial 
conditions of the two cities which they serve, have variations in 
their required work and also in the value of the trades selected 
when placing their students. Although the short time trade school 
is perhaps the only one where trade conditions are and of necessity 
must be exactly reproduced in the instruction in order to accomplish 
specific results in a limited time, there is another class of school 
which combines trade features with the technical or domestic 
branches. Institutions of this character offer a longer period of 
rccpiired training, and, tluTcfore, must draw tlicir students from 
those who can give more time to preparation than can those who 
are hurried into the luisiness world by the poverty of their parents. 
An excellent example of this class of instruction is the Hebrew 
Technical School for Girls in New York City, begun as a Sunday 
school in 1882, and as a technical day school in 1887. Those who 
enter are graduates of the public schools. Flere the pupils are ex- 
amined at entrance. Two courses are offered, each being eighteen 
months in length, — the commercial, comprehending bookkeeping, 



lvalue and Cost of a Girls' Trade School 



135 



stenography, typewriting and business methods; and the manual, 
which teaches hand and machine sewing, embroidery, millinery and 
dressmaking. While the scope of this article does not include com- 
mercial training, the experience of the capable director of this school 
as to the importance of this field is worthy of consideration. After 
twenty years of training girls he says that those who have had a 
good general education and who can give eighteen months to a fur- 
ther special training will find in the commercial field better oppor- 
tunities for good wages and steady rise of employment than in the 
trades. He feels that mental work is less fatiguing than manual, 
the pay in general is higher, and the office hours are shorter, thus 
leaving time for improvement. The usual type of Xew York trade 
worker who leaves the public school at the first moment the law 
will allow, and in general from the lower grades, has not sufficient 
education for this course, and the manual trades alone offer her 
opportunities. The manual course gives the general training for the 
home rather than the specific as needed by trade. All students take 
the same course. Two workrooms, lingerie and dressmaking, are 
connected with the school, and graduates of the manual course so 
desiring may obtain employment in them. About one-half of the 
girls who have graduated from the manual department have sooner 
or later gone into trade. About one-third of the students are in this 
department and two-thirds are in the commercial. Academic work 
and art accompany and strengthen other courses. Effort is made to 
place in trade those who desire it. 

While excellent and more or less trade-like courses are offered 
at such institutions in Greater New York as Pratt Institute, the 
Washington Irving High School, and the Young Women’s Christian 
Associations, they throw no more light on the value of trades 
for girls than has been given already. i\Iost of them are training 
for the use of the needle in some form, because this tool enters so 
largely into woman’s economic life, whether in trade or in the home. 

Distributed over the continent of Europe and adapted to the 
various nationalities are numerous professional schools for girls 
with courses ranging from one to five years. The following trades 
are represented in the various curriculi : Garment making for women 
and children ; dressmaking ; fine underwear and white work ; mil- 
linery ; artificial flowers ; waistcoat making and cloth work ; corsets : 
gloves; embroidery (hand and machine) ; lace making (hand, pillow, 



136 The Annals of the American Academy 

crochet needle and machine); men's shirt making; fine laundry 
work ; fine darning and hand weaving ; and art in many phases, such 
as costume designing, china and fan painting, textile and other varie- 
ties of industrial designing. Hair dressing- and manicure work are 
also found. 

In the schools abroad offering several years of instruction, the 
academic subjects, art, housekeeping, cooking and physical educa- 
tion are usually included. Belgium offers numerous and excellent 
instances of these schools of four or five years’ training and also a 
few examples of the apprentice school for girls, where a reproduc- 
tion of trade conditions is found. Many of the foremost women in 
the regular trade workrooms of Belgium and also those at the head 
of separate trade establishments are graduates of these schools. A 
small fee is usually required, although scholarships provide for 
many of those who are too poor to pay. The local government, 
societies, trade unions, and private interests help .to support these 
schools. In Belgium the government has entire supervision, and 
definite requirements must be met by the private as well as by the 
regular government schools. In these long-time schools the trade 
features of instruction are less apparent than the technical, and the 
problem is entirely different from the training for direct trade 
work. 

The question is frequently asked why the trades offered in the 
foreign trade schools are not given in schools of the United States. 
In many instances, these occupations are more developed in Europe 
than with us, or when found in our cities are not of sufficient im- 
portance to train many workers for them. If any are found to be 
fleveloped where there is a trade school, the training for them 
should be offered. It frequently happens also that the tool required 
is the same as for other more usual industries. The worker who 
learns to use her tool in one has little difficulty in changing to an- 
other. For instance, an electric power operator trained at a good 
school can change from fine white work to gloves, corsets or waists 
with a short practice period. Although the foregoing indicates that 
specific trades which will suit all schools cannot be found, it can be 
seen that the needle and sewing machine play a large part in 
women’s employment. Training for the use of these tools is impor- 
tant in girls’ trade schools, as well paid work of the greatest skill is 
frequently required and employers of labor find efficient workers 
bard to obtain. It will be found though that the branches of the 



Value and Cost of a Girls’ Trade School 



137 



trades where these tools are used vary in different communities, the 
popularity among the working class of such trades causes many to 
elect them who have no capacity for them or who cannot remain in 
the school long enough to become expert. 

The expenses of trade .school education, as compared with those 
of the ordinary school, are large. The special ec|uipment, the skilled 
instructors, the long hours, the twelve months’ courses ana the 
supplies of material are factors in this outlay. The equipment, even 
though simple, often demands considerable expenditure of money, 
especially if the various electric operating trades are to be taught. 
The instructors must have specialized knowledge and skill as well as 
the ability to teach, but the classes cannot be large when expert 
processes are involved. The efficient worker, who is a success in 
her trade workroom, can command an excellent wage. The trade 
school must compete with this good salary in place of that of the 
underpaid teacher. Such an institution cannot afford to employ an 
unsuccessful worker or a teacher who knows nothing of the market 
to instruct students for industrial positions. The good teacher, who 
can also succeed in trade, is rare, and when found can command 
high remuneration. 

The equipment in the majority of business workrooms is com- 
posed of essentials only, and a school does not need to have more. 
Much additional money may be spent in expensive furniture and 
woodwork. The following lists and estimates^ show the actual 
needs and necessary expenses in three groups of trades : 



Garment or dressmaking. 

Sewing machines, each 

Work, cutting, and ironing tables, each 

Electric irons, each 

Gas stove (necessary when electric irons are 

not used), ec.ch 

Cheval glass, each 

Chairs, each 

Exhibition cases, stock closets, cabinets and 

chests of drawers, each 

Eitting stands, each 

Eitting room (a curtained alcove) 

(a furnished room) 

Dress forms, per dozen 

Waist forms, per dozen 

Sleeve forms, per pair 

Lockers, per running foot 



$18.00 to $70.00 

6.00 to 20.00 upward 



775 






2.00 

20.00 to 100.00 
.50 to 3.00 



li 

t( 



10.00 to 100.00 

2.00 to 30.00 
10.00 

100.00 

30.00 

6.00 

1.00 to 1.50 

3.00 to 8.00 



^Retail prices are quoted. 



138 



The Annals of the Ameriean Academy 



A room for twenty workers may be plainly furnished at a cost 
of $300 to $500. If a large number of expensive sewing machines 
are desired the estimate must he increased by several hundred dol- 
lars. The equipping of a workroom for electric power operating, 
including general and special machines, motor, cutting and work 
tables, cabinets and chairs, will be considerably more expensive than 
the one for garment making. In the latter, one sewing machine can 
he used by several workers, hut in electric operating each worker 
must have her own machine. The electric motor adds also to the 
expense. The minimum cost of equipping a shop for twenty workers 
would he $1,000 to $1,500. 

The necessary equipment would be : 

Plain sewing machines in rows, per head 

Troughs for work between the rows and tables for 

the machines, per two machines 

Special machines (two needle, embroidery, lace stitch, 
buttonhole, straw sewing, and the like), each 

according to kind 

Motor, each 

Cabinets, tables, chairs and irons as above. 

In workrooms conducting trades which use paste, gum and 
glue, the following special equipment is required : 



Glue pots (gas), each $7-50 upward 

(electric), each 2175 “ 

PI and cutter, each 50.00 “ 



Special machines for cutting large quantities of cloth, for per- 
forating designs or for pleating materials are often needed in teach- 
ing the garment trades. Typewriters, mimeograph machines, elec- 
tric clocks, and up-to-date business devices will he required also in 
a school of any size or pretension. Wholesale prices can usually be 
obtained when the order is large. Dealers have also shown them- 
selves willing to sell their machines at low prices, to loan them, and 
even to give them to a school which has proved its ability to train 
good workers. 

The cost of housing, the equipment and the annual expense of 
a school depend on many factors, among which may he mentioned 
the kind of trades taught and the class of building to be maintained. 
The annual expenses per pupil will range from $75 to $175. The 



$22.50 upward 
10.00 “ 

35.00 to 150.00 

140.00 “ 



Value and Cost of a Girls' Trade School 13^ 

per capita expense in trade schools for boys will go much higher. 
The three schools whose courses of work have been mentioned 
already have furnished data on these items. They are all private 
schools, with no connection with the public instruction of their 
cities. They charge no fees and are open for instruction for eight 
hours a day all the year round. They are all giving special atten- 
tion to the health of each student by the aid of specialists and by 
some form of practical cooking and study of proper foods. 

The Hebrew Technical School for Girls, with 381 students, has 
lately built and equipped an ideal building for its work at an expense 
of $382,000. Of this amount, the land cost $132,500, the building 
$215,000, the swimming pool $22,000, and the equipment $12,000. 
The annual expense of running is a little over $40,000, which in- 
cludes teachers’ salaries, $23,500; office salaries, $3,500; main- 
tenance, $12,000 ; and printing and stationery, $1,200. 

The Boston Trade School, which has 17 1 students, is housed in 
two adjoining dwelling houses, with a rental of $1,400 per annum. 
The equipment in furniture and machines cost $2,800. The annual 
expense of running is $14,500, of which sum teachers’ salaries con- 
stitute $9,500, the administrative salaries $2,000, and the maintenance 
$3,000. 

The first home of the Manhattan Trade School was a large 
four-story and basement dwelling house, for which a rental of $2,100 
per annum was paid. The initial equipment provided for 150 stu- 
dents and cost $9,500. The school quickly outgrew its quarters and 
bought a large business loft building at an expense of $175,000. 
The former equipment was used and $5,000 spent in addition for 
furniture and sewing machines. The number of students from July, 
1907, to July, 1908, was 470. The annual expense of running is 
$36,000, of which the salaries for teachers are $20,000. for admin- 
istration $6,000. and maintenance $10,000. 

Both the Boston and the Manhattan Trade Schools are fur- 
nished with great simplicity, merely reproducing good workroom 
requirements. The cost of supplies for trades taught, in both 
schools, is more than covered by the trade orders executed and by 
the sales of finished work. Shops which exactly reproduce trade 
conditions are an important part of the educational work of these 
institutions. The providing of correct materials, which must be often 
very costly, is a serious question in the short-time trade school. The 
girls are too poor to buy materials even to make the simplest gar- 



140 



The Annals of the American Academy 



ment for themselves, — the clothing which is worn daily being often 
the complete wardrobe of the wearer. The taking of order work has 
proved not only to eliminate expense, but to lend reality and interest 
to the instruction. The cost of articles is kept strictly up to the 
market. When a large amount of order work is turned out by a 
school every year, the business management connected with the in- 
voices, sales and delivery of the goods requires special attention and 
expense. 

In all three of the schools mentioned there are methods of giving 
aid, according to the need, to those who cannot otherwise attend. 
This has been found to be absolutely necessary. The money appro- 
priated for such aid is outside of the yearly educational budget, but 
must also be reckoned with when a school attempts to help the 
poorest class of workers. Experience at the Manhattan Trade 
School seems to indicate that about one-fourth of the students need 
some assistance ranging from carfare only to the equivalent of a 
small wage which the girls could make in trade and which the parents 
cannot forego. 



THE APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM OF THE GENERAL 
ELECTRIC COMPANY AT WEST LYNN, 
MASSACHUSETTS 



By Magnus W. Alexander. 



The recent period of unprecedented industrial prosperity has 
revealed in a striking manner to the American people that the supply 
of skilled workmen in this country is utterly inadequate. Even 
during the business depression that set in over a year ago, the 
demand for skilled and intelligent mechanics and foremen has in 
most instances been greater than the supply. Unless we eliminate 
this great weakness in our industrial system, we may well look with 
apprehension to the time when the wheels of industrial activity will 
again turn at a lively speed. Thoughtful and far-sighted men should, 
therefore, give close and careful consideration to this matter in order 
to avoid a future check on the industrial development of the country. 

In the main, there are three methods by which the youth of this 
country can be trained for a life of industrial efficiency,- — the appren- 
ticeship system, the private trade school, and the public school. 
Whichever method of industrial education is selected in any par- 
ticular case to meet the needs and conditions of a community, it can 
be effective only if it is based on the broad principle of correlating 
the training of the hand with the development of the mind in the 
effort to obtain skill and intelligence. Skill cannot demonstrate its 
full potential value and reap its highest reward unless it is supple- 
mented by an industrial intelligence which animates the otherwise 
routine activities of daily life, and makes men conscious of the why 
as well as the how of all work. The joy that one then derives from 
his work will enhance the value of his task and give it individual 
significance. 

The apprenticeship system of the General Electric Company at 
West Lynn, Mass., is perhaps the best exemplification of the efficacy 
of this principle, and inasmuch as similar systems have since been 
established by other manufacturing organizations, and the same idea 
has been adopted by trade schools founded in recent years, a brief 

(141) 



142 



The Annals of the American Academy 



description of the origin, the progress and the effect of the Lynn 
system seems to be justified. 

The General Electric apprenticeship system was founded seven 
years ago, when the Lynn works employed about 5,000 workers ; 
and it has been developed to its present state during a time when the 
number of employees in the machine shops, pattern shop and the 
foundries of the plant has more than doubled. Its organization was 
based on a study of the then known apprenticeship system, an 
analysis of its inherent weaknesses, and an application of the proper 
remedies. 

Before this time apprentices were assigned to shop departments 
whose foremen, being business men as well as mechanics in the fulfil- 
ment of their duties, could take only a general interest in the boys, 
and had to rely mainly on assistants for the training of the appren- 
tices. It is obvious that the apprentices were, therefore, not placed 
under the most advantageous instruction. Inasmuch as the shop 
foreman lacked the personal interest in the boy that the journeyman 
master of thirty years ago had shown, and was actuated primarily by 
a desire for economic production, he was loath to put a new appren- 
tice on a machine for fear that he might injure it on account of 
insufficient personal attention. Lie was apt to keep the boy un- 
duly long on an operation which he had learned, in order to get 
the greatest commercial advantage from him. The sameness of 
operations in one department helped to militate still further against 
the apprentice of that department, who found himself at a disadvan- 
tage when contrasted with one who had had an opportunity of a 
greater variety of instructive work in some other department of the 
factory. The desire of the apprentice to learn came in conflict with 
the purpose of the foreman to secure economy by cheapness of pro- 
duction, and while the fittest of the boys survived what proved to 
be a hard struggle for success, many fell by the wayside who, under 
more favorable conditions, might have developed into efficient and 
skilled mechanics. 

The employment of a supervisor of apprentices by some manu- 
facturers was a step in the right direction, and eliminated some of 
the existing defects in the training of boys. Representing the em- 
ployer as well as the apprentices, the supervisor served both in look- 
ing after the general welfare of the boys, advancing them from 
one kind of work to another. To the extent to which he possessed 



General Electric Compa>iy Apprenticeship Systeni 143 

breadth of view and ability to secure the co-operation of the foremen, 
he fulfilled his dual task to the advantage of the hoys and the 
employer. There still remained a deficiency in the system, in that 
those in direct charge of the training of the boys did not usually 
measure up to the best teaching ability. The significance of this 
weakness is most important in that a solid or faulty foundation 
of training, after all, determines the strength or weakness of the 
whole structure of future achievement. 

In order to get the best results from the apprenticeship system 
the General Electric Company at West Lynn, Mass., organized a 
special department — training rooms — devoted entirely to the prelimi- 
nary practical training of the apprentices. It appointed a superin- 
tendent of apprentices who was especially qualified for the difficult 
task of teaching, and placed him in direct charge of the training 
rooms. Furthermore, it made an arrangement whereby such in- 
structive commercial work could be transferred from the factory 
into the training rooms from time to time as the development of the 
apprentices might require. An equal and fair opportunity to learn a 
trade was, therefore, offered to all apprentices. Finally, the Gen- 
eral Electric Company established classrooms in the factory in which 
the boys might receive mental training in the related sciences, and 
instruction in mechanical drawing, to the end that theory and prac- 
tice might be correlated as far as possible. It is the aim of the 
company to develop skilled mechanics in the trades of machinist, 
toolmaker, patternmaker, iron, steel and brass molder, as well as to 
create a body of efficient and well-disiwsitioned journeymen upon 
whom the company may draw from time to time for industrial fore- 
men and their assistants in the different departments of the factory, 
for tool designers, factory engineers, and other leading men in the 
organization. The training which a boy receives at Lynn is so broad, 
however, that the graduate apprentice is prepared to fill a position as 
skilled journeyman or as industrial foreman in any mechanical 
establishment. 

By the terms of the apprentice agreement, boys of from fifteen 
to eighteen years of age, who have had at least a grammar school 
education or its equivalent and are physically sound, are eligible 
to the courses, which for machinist, toolmaker and patternmaker 
apprentices last four years, and for molder apprentices three years. 
Apprentices with an advanced education, however, are given an 



144 



The Annals of the American Academy 



adequate allowance of lime. All accepted applicants must serve a 
trial period of two months, and only those who during this period 
give proof of native ability for the chosen trade, and show a mental 
and moral make-up that gives hope of developing intelligent and well- 
dispositioned journeymen, are permitted to sign the regular agree- 
ment. The latter is considered as an agreement of honor rather than 
one of legal force. The main motive of the whole training of the 
apprentices is to stimulate their ambition and arouse their zeal to 
develop themselves in order that they may advance from one task 
to another as rapidly as possible on the basis of acquired skill and 
efficiency. 

Most of the applicants for apprenticeship reside, of course, in 
Lynn and vicinity, although many come from other parts of 
Massachusetts, from other New England states, and in fact from 
more distant parts of the country. In order to allow ambitious boys, 
not residing within easy reach of the factory and having no finan- 
cial support from home, to take advantage of the opportunity 
offered at Lynn, the wages have been arranged for all apprentices 
so as to make the boys self-supporting even during the trial period. 
On the other hand, the company selects its material with great care 
and expects a fair return in work for the wages paid. In round fig- 
ures, apprentices receive $5.00 per week for the first year, inclusive of 
the trial period : $6.50 per week for the second year ; $7.75 per week 
for the third year, and $9.00 per week for the last year. Molder 
apprentices receive the wages of the last three years. 

At the satisfactory termination of the course a “Certificate of 
Apprenticeship” and a cash bonus of $100 are awarded to the gradu- 
ates, who are encouraged to remain with the company at such jour- 
neymen’s compensation as they are able to earn. Usually from $2.50 
to $3.00 per day is offered to the graduates, some of whom have 
been placed in positions of assistant foremen at adequate remunera- 
tion almost immediately after graduation from the apprenticeship 
courses. Some graduated apprentices, on the other hand, prefer to 
go to other factories, evidently desiring to broaden their experience 
and to see something of the world, as they express it. No attempt is 
made to dissuade them from carrying out their plans, but experience 
has shown that most of them return after a while to their alma mater, 
where they have made their friends. This feeling of loyalty is a 
gratifying assurance of the future personnel of the foremen and 



General Electric Company Apprenticeship System 



145 



assistant foremen of the company, who will probably be drawn to a 
large extent from among the graduated apprentices. An appren- 
tice alumni association fosters also this feeling of loyalty and 
comradeship. 

Reference has already been made to the training room feature 
of the General Electric apprentice system as a means of initiating 
boys into a trade under most expert instruction and the most favor- 
able conditions. The company maintains training rooms for ma- 
chinist and toolmaker apprentices, and a separate room for the train- 
ing of future patternmakers. No such provision has as yet been 
made for boys learning the molder’s trade, but there is no good 
reason why tkis should not be done in the near future. 

Beginning in a small way, with a floor space of about 750 
square feet and half a dozen old machine tools, the machinist train- 
ing room has grown in size and equipment until to-day it covers an 
area of more than 10,000 square feet, with over 100 representative 
machine tools. Similarly, the training room for patternmakers occu- 
pies a floor space of about 2,000 square feet, with a complete pattern- 
makers’ tool equipment for thirty-five or forty apprentices. It will 
be sufficient to describe here more in detail the methods of instruc- 
tion in the machinist training room as illustrating the peculiar 
features of the Lynn system. 

The present tool equipment in the machinist training room con- 
sists of twenty drill presses of various sizes, forty-four speed and 
engine lathes, some belt driven and some provided with individual 
motor drive ; a pulley lathe, two turret lathes, two twenty-four-inch 
planers, one belt driven and one motor driven ; nine shapers, one 
vertical boring mill, four plain and two universal horizontal milling 
machines, one vertical milling machine, one slotting machine, one 
spliner, two universal grinders, one surface grinder and three wet 
grinders, four tool grinders, one motor driven hack-saw and one 
cutting-off saw, two arbor presses, two bench watchmakers’ lathes, 
besides a number of small electric bench drills, buffing and polishing 
motors, and forty vises. There is also a small blacksmith equipment 
and a stock of necessary small tools, such as drills, taps, reamers, 
chucks and arbors. 

INIany of the machines are of the latest and most approved type. 
Some are, however, second-hand tools which had been discarded by 
the shop foremen and relegated to the scrap heap. The use of old 



146 TJtc Annals of the American Academy 

machines serves a two-fold purpose — the economic and the educa- 
tional. It prevents the abuse and injury of high-priced modern tools 
by inexperienced boys, while at the same time it affords an opportu- 
nity for repairing machine tools, an excellent training for future 
mechanics in that it develops thoughtfulness, self-reliance and the 
ability to do things. In this way some of the old machines have been 
repaired again and again, being just as serviceable now as some of 
the high-priced modern tools. 

Every boy who is admitted to the trial period starts his career 
in the training room, where he is under the direct supervision of the 
superintendent of apprentices, who is thus afforded an opportunity 
to study carefully the boy’s mental capacity, his native ability for the 
chosen trade, and his general character. From the very outset the 
apprentice is required to do commercial work, even though this 
may be his first experience with machine tools. The training of the 
boy on commercial work is of great psychological importance, in 
that it takes him out of the sphere of laboratory work into that of 
industrial life. It clinches the boy’s interest inasmuch as it makes 
him realize that the product of his work is to be a part of some 
useful machine rather than a plaything or an object of exhibition 
in some showcase. Commercial work teaches the boy the value of 
time and money and stimulates him by making him feel his place 
in real industrial life. Ample opportunity is given here to those 
who possess inventive ability, and each apprentice is taught individu- 
ally and advanced in his work in accordance with his capacity. No 
schedule of time on the different machines is laid out, therefore ; 
the apprentice is required to stay on one machine and one operation 
until he has proved his ability to perform this specific work with 
accuracy and a fair degree of speed. It may take some apprentices 
a year and a half and others almost double that time to pass through 
the training room. In due tijne the apprentices are transferred into 
the factory and assigned to various departments for the remainder 
of their apprenticeship. Thus they round out their knowledge and 
skill on a variety of work such as the factory offers. 

Some may now begin to specialize on die- and tool-making, 
on large or small machine work, or on such other tasks for which 
they seem to be best fitted. These apprentices are under the disci- 
pline of the shop foreman and subject to the rules of the department, 
yet they still belong to the superintendent of apprentices and look to 



General Electric Company A pprcnticcship System 



147 



him for transfer to the various classes of work and for general 
guidance. They are even subject to temporary return to the train- 
ing room when, in the opinion of the superintendent, they require 
closer attention because of their failure to keep up with .speed and 
accuracy standards or to conduct themselves properly. 

Inasmuch as most of the apprentices, in taking their positions 
later on in the factory organization, will be called upon to instruct 
those under them, an early effort is made in the training room to 
develop in the apprentices the ability to impart knowledge to others, 
to handle men and work. A method has, therefore, been adopted 
under which the apprentices are given frequent opportunities to act 
as temporar}' instructors. Accordingly, each apprentice, at various 
times during his stay in the training room, must help to instruct a 
less-advanced apprentice in the operation which he himself has 
already mastered. The general instructor, of course, starts off' the 
team of boy teacher and boy pupil, but after he has done this he 
leaves the instructing and supervising to the boy teacher, returning 
from time to time, to make sure that the team is proceeding in the 
right direction. 

It is obvious that the young master will put forth his best effort 
to impress the boy pupil with his own knowledge, and inasmuch as 
he is anxious to advance himself to some more difficult work, 
which he cannot do until the general instructor relieves him from 
the teaching work, he will take pains to put the boy pupil on his 
own feet. The latter, on the other hand, is anxious to stand on his 
own feet, and in turn to become a boy teacher ; he is therefore eager 
to learn. Sometimes an apprentice acts as boy teacher to one who 
has already served a longer time in the training room than his in- 
structor pro tern. This simply bears out the claim that all instruc- 
tion in the training room is adapted as far as possible to the indi- 
vidual capacity of the apprentice, so that the capable one is not held 
back on account of other apprentices of lesser ability. 

Under the boy-teacher and boy-pupil system only three journey- 
men instructors are required in the training room for about 100 ap- 
prentices. The instructors are responsible for the teaching of the boys 
as well as for the production and the general business of the depart- 
ment. Even should the number of apprentices in the training room 
grow to 125, no addition to the instructing force would probably 
be made, but the present instructors would be assisted to a still 



148 



The Annals of the Anieriean Aeadeiny 



larger degree by apprentices who are temporarily placed in charge 
of classes of work and groups of boys. For instance, at present an 
apprentice is responsible for the production of clutch pulleys in the 
training room. It is his duty to see that the boys engaged on this 
particular class of work attend properly to their duties and that the 
required number of clutch pulleys is turned out, tested, and put in 
shipping boxes every week. It is obvious that one or two months 
of such work tends to develop executive ability in those in whom this 
important quality lies dormant. The results obtained by appren- 
tices in the training room are surprising even to those who watch the 
progress of work closely. It bears evidence that the possibilities 
of apprentices under proper guidance and instruction are remark- 
able if their ambition and interest in the work are aroused. This 
good and intelligent work, however, could not be accomplished 
if the classroom instruction, which is correlated with the practical 
training, did not make the apprentices mentally alert and place 
them in a position to read working drawings without difficulty, to 
compute every-day arithmetical factory problems and, in general, 
to understand the reason for every stroke of work which they 
perform. 

The significant feature of the classroom instruction at Lynn lies 
in the fact that it is given to the boys during regular working time, 
rather than in the evening when, after a long day’s hard work, 
the apprentices are usually neither mentally nor physically able 
to draw the greatest benefit from the instruction. 

Every indentured apprentice receives instruction in the class- 
room fo*" two hours four times a week, no school being held during 
part of July and August, so that the teachers and pupils may take 
their vacation at that time. Realizing that inasmuch as many boys 
have left school but recently in order to earn money, and on account 
of lack of appreciation of the value of education, the General 
Electric Company decided to pay apprentices the same wages during 
school hours that they would receive while working at the bench or 
machine. In this way, even those boys in whom the commercial 
spirit predominates and who therefore might not be willing to make 
an immediate financial sacrifice for the sake of possible greater 
returns later on, become anxious to secure an education. The im- 
proved character of the work of the apprentices in the training room 
and factory is the company’s compensation for this expenditure. 



General Electrie Company Apprentieeship Systcni 149 

In addition, it helps to create journeymen with a training that will 
enable them to grow into positions of responsibility. 

The school program embraces instruction in mathematics, 
physics, technology and mechanical drawing. The teachers, who 
have been selected from the staff of the company’s engineers, drafts- 
men and foremen, aim to awaken and exercise the boys’ reasoning 
faculties, and develop their ability to think for themselves, rather 
than provide them with specific knowledge. 

In order to achieve this result and to give to all instruction a 
concrete value, thereby clinching the boys’ interest in the work, the 
teachers confine themselves as far as possible to the explanation 
of principles through practical problems and to this end select prob- 
lems from among the occurrences of daily factory life. This method 
has the added advantage of initiating the apprentices into the tech- 
nicalities of the business by acquainting them with the apparatus 
manufactured and the different materials used in the shop, and 
familiarizing them with the very problems whose solution will be 
expected of them later on as journeymen, foremen, and engineers. 
To ascertain the weight of material required for the production of 
three electric motor shafts in accordance with a given drawing, 
and to estimate the labor cost on the basis of estimated time for 
machining, all of which merely requires the reasoning out of mathe- 
matical processes already learned in school, are of infinitely greater 
value to the apprentice than the computation of the cubical contents 
of a cylinder of given dimensions, which calls for the same mathe- 
matical processes but is dependent for its solution chiefly on the 
memory. 

Similar value is gained from instruction in physics, if, for 
instance, the law of levers is deduced by the boys themselves from 
a series of experiments with varying weights and positions of the ful- 
crum carried on until they perceive the proper relation between 
weights and power arm and weight arm. Through practice to theory 
is the guiding principle in the educational work. Great emphasis 
of course is laid on the instruction in mechanical drawing, which 
aims to enable the apprentices to read drawings quickly and in- 
telligently, and for that reason presupposes the ability to make draw- 
ings. This branch, however, is taught not so much for the purpose of 
developing mechanical draftsmen as to serve as a means of teaching 
the designing of tools and jigs and fixtures needed for manufacture 



The AnJials of the American Academy 



150 

on a large scale. A good tool maker is more valuable if he has the 
ability to design tools, and a good tool designer ought also to be a 
good tool maker. The combination of both qualifications is a valu- 
able asset to any mechanic. 

Under the guise of technology, an attempt is made to develo]) 
in the aiiprentices the power of concise and clear oral and written 
expression, and inasmuch as materials and their characteristics, 
machines and machine elements and their functions are taken as 
the text of the instruction, the apprentices acquire a technical as 
well as a general knowledge. ( )ne of the most interesting and in- 
structive phases of tliis j^art of the school work is the “jiractical 
talk” which the superintendent of apprentices gives once every week 
in the classrooms. If he sees a wrongly-sharpened tool somewhere 
in the factory, or notices the abuse of any machine, he is sure to 
bring this tool into the classroom or to relate the circumstances 
under which the machine has been misused, in order that the appren- 
tices may avoid similar errors in their own work. ‘‘Practical talks” 
of this kind are bound to be of the greatest value to the apprentices, 
and therefore to the company when journeymen thus trained become 
part of the factory organization. 

Grou])s of approximately fifteen boys form a class, some re- 
ceiving instruction from 7 a. m. to 9 a. m., others from 10 a. m. 
to 12 111., or during the first or last part of the afternoon. Three 
classroom instructors, therefore, may easily take care of approxi- 
mately two hundred apprentices. There are nearly two hundred 
and fifty working at Lynn, including those who are serving their 
trial period, and are, therefore, not yet entitled to the classroom in- 
struction. Seventy-six apprentices have so far graduated from the 
course and 07 ’er fifty are at present in the employ of the company, 
some of whom are filling positions as assistant foremen and inspec- 
tors, a few having developed into very good tool designers. The 
apprenticeship system of the General Electric Company at Lynn 
proves that a broadly-conceived plan efficiently executed will work 
out to the advantage of all concerned. 



THE JOHN WANAMAKER COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE— 

A STORE SCHOOL 



By John Wanamaker, 
Philadelphia. 



The application to the Court of Common Pleas of Philadelphia 
during the month of September just past for a charter for the 
“American University of Applied Conimcrce and Trade ’’ — the first 
of its sort — has brought, perhaps rather importantly, before the public 
eye an educational system that, for as many as twelve years, has 
been in active operation in a very quiet way under the title of “The 
John Wanamaker Commercial Institute.” A “Store-School” it is 
commonly called by those who know it, for it is an organization 
inside the Wanamaker store in Philadelphia to enable those who are 
doing the day’s work and earning a living to get a better education 
to earn a better living. 

It is the first actual “school of practice” of business methods, 
giving daily opportunities to obtain a working education in the arts 
and sciences of commerce and trade. When a young man graduates 
from it he receives a degree which is in effect a combination of what 
Harvard C®llege calls the degree of “Master of Business Adminis- 
tration,” with a certificate of a certain number of years’ actual ex- 
perience in the business world. His career and the development of 
his earning capacity have not had to wait until his college course 
ended — the two have marched along shoulder to shoulder, study 
assisting labor, and labor in turn illuminating and illustrating book 
knowledge. The two together daily increase his value to his 
employer and to himself. 

The idea of the commercial institute (now developing into the 
American University of Applied Commerce and Trade) came long 
ago to the writer with a realization of the full and sacred obligations 
of employer and employee. The payment of an agreed wage from 
one to the other, the taking in exchange specified hours of labor and 
the continuation of this mechanical system through weeks and 
months and years, define neither an employer’s relation to his people 
nor the duty of the workers to one who happens to control their 
output of energy and brains. 

(151) 



The Annals of the American Academy 



152 



Every man who studies along the fine and broad lines of com- 
mercial enterprise to-day must recognize the fact that a business 
career is a profession as noble in its way as that of the lawyer or 
the engineer. Men and women must be trained for it. They must 
become specialists. The little boy who comes into a store forced by 
the driving necessity to begin the task of earning a livelihood must 
not, for the honor of the profession, be allowed to drift along un- 
disciplined and unlessoned in the science of his work. He must 
not for his own sake be permitted to stand dead to development, 
content to live on the small stock of educational provisions that he 
laid in before his working days commenced. 

From some such threads of thought as these sprang the idea of 
“The John Wanamaker Commercial Institute.” It has never been 
a part of the business made public, and yet it has been the pivot 
about which the organization of the store staff swings, for it largely 
determines the positions of the younger people, their wages and 
their advancement. High standing in the school’s records means 
certain promotion in the section of the store work to which a student 
is assigned ; habitual low marks, indicating a lack of interest or a 
lack of capacity without improvement, result in a change of names 
on the payroll. To-day about 7,500 graduates of this commercial 
institute are showing the mercantile world what new kind of busi- 
ness men and women may be produced by this store-school. 

Of necessity the time given to recitations in the sctiool-room is 
limited. It is “little and often and continuous” that counts, as the 
horse said every time he put down a foot. The smaller boys and 
girls of the store have their separate school sessions in the morning 
and reach their posts of duty in the business proper by ten o'clock. 
Each pupil has two such sessions a week besides the hours for drill 
and special training. Three hundred older boys have two regular 
evenings of school each week, after a hot supper in the store dining 
rooms at the close of the business day. The faculty of the institute 
consists of twenty-four teachers, some of whom are instructors in the 
daily schools of Philadelphia, and in the curriculum you will find 
classes in reading, writing, arithmetic, English, spelling, stenog- 
raphy, commercial geography, commercial law and business 
methods. 

A very important development of the school life among the 
boys is a military battalion of six companies, officered by the boys 



The John JTananiaker Commercial Inslituie 



*53 



themselves. This military phase of the school is the garden where 
grow the lessons of discipline, organization, precision and obedience, 
and the health lessons of muscular training that give bodily strength 
without which successful mental work is impossible. A military 
band of seventy-five pieces and a drum and bugle corps of forty are 
outgrowths of the organization, and happy summer vacation times 
are spent by the little soldiers tenting in squads on a campground of 
five acres at Island Heights, New Jersey, with headquarters at “The 
Barracks,” by the sea. 

The girls of the store also have their military drills and their 
own drum and bugle corps, while their military band is developing. 
All are trained in singing, and there are many incidental interests, 
such as the orchestra, to which thirty students belong, the mandolin 
club, glee club, savings fund, etc. For those who wish to become 
proficient in foreign languages there are classes in French and 
German. Attendance at these classes is required of such of our 
people as need to go abroad in the course of their business dealings, 
but is voluntary with others who are aiming to fit themselves for 
these positions. 

Progress in the institute goes on by regular system. The little 
boys of the morning school pass by promotion into the older corps 
and the evening school. The girls’ classes, always separate, are 
graded from lowest to highest. Boys and girls graduate in due 
process, receiving a diploma that is highly prized as an evidence of 
experience, attainment and good standing in the esteem and respect 
of the store management. They are then full-fledged members of 
the staff of the particular section of the store in which they are 
employed — no longer “boys and girls,” but “men and women” of 
the store, trained and fitted into some well-defined division of the 
activities of this great commercial house. Their future is circum- 
scribed only by their personal limitations, for it is a great fixed policy 
of the house to build up from the ranks, and the boys and girls of 
to-day will be the chiefs of to-morrow. 

Twelve years have not been long enough to perfect this system 
of business education, w'hich has made notable improvements in the 
methods of work, in the character, outlook and ethics of the per- 
sonnel of the store. Unintelligent and wasteful labor has lessened. 
The wisdom of co-operation and mutual helpfulnss has been recog- 
nized, Knowledge of merchandise, its production, distribution and 



154 



The Annals of the American Academy 



uses has been increased. Principles of control and government and 
organization have developed. 

I may be permitted to say here that my confidence and firm 
belief in the value of the commercial institute and its relation and 
application to the laws of the business has led me to build it into 
the new Philadelphia store building in stone and iron and cement. 
Yes — there will be special classrooms, a library and reading room, 
a gymnasium and swimming pool for the use of the students. But 
that, as Kipling says, is another story, 



TRADE TEACHING IN THE BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY 



By Arthur D. Dean, 

Chief of Division of Trades Schools, New York State Education Department, 

Albany, N. Y. 



The need of special training for the professional man is univer- 
sally acknowledged, and we recognize its value to the artisan and 
the skilled craftsman in woodworking, plumbing, blacksmithing, etc. 
It is a well-established truth also that special education is desirable 
and necessary for those who are concerned with making the whole 
of a product or with such part of it as involves a sequence of 
operations. 

Naturally, we form our opinion of what technical and industrial 
schools can do from what they have done for the machine and 
building trades. It has not yet been demonstrated that they are 
indispensable to all industries, especially those which, like the shoe 
industry, have been divided and subdivided so that the operator 
comes in contact with only a fractional part of the product. It is a 
difficult problem to discover the kind of training which shall be of 
direct value to the vast majority of workers who are doing piece 
work on automatic machines, or who perform a single operation 
of the one hundred and one of the factory, those who apparently 
require in their work the knowledge of that single operation only, a 
training in which it may take but a day to master and at the most, 
but a few months. The question then is: Has the performer of one 
operation on the machine day in and day out no need of special 
training for the daily work apart from the actual shop experience? 

It is such an industrial and social question as this which makes 
the study of what is being done and can be done educationally for 
shoe workers of peculiar interest, for the shoe industry is a worthy 
example of the extent to which differentiation of operations can be 
carried. This differentiation is the inevitable result in other impor- 
tant industries and the solution of the educational problem in this 
industry ought to serve, in some measure at least, as a guide for all 
those which have similar minute divisions of labor. 

Outside of a class in pattern drafting in a Montreal institution, 

(i5S) 



156 The Annals of the American Academy 

a course in leather at Pratt Institute, and evening classes in pattern 
drafting and upper leather cutting in three Young Men’s Christian 
Associations, little has been attempted in America in education for 
shoe workers. Two iMassachusetts high schools are endeavoring 
to give their pupils an idea of the shoe industry. Through the 
accounting end of the commercial course, the Lynn High School 
has made considerable progress. The local business firms contrib- 
uted samples of everything which goes into the making of a shoe. 
One firm gave samples of shoes in various stages of construction. 
The value of this exhibit is $250, and it has served as a start towards 
a commercial museum. The head of the commercial instruction has 
made a careful investigation of the accounting part of the shoe 
business, and has put in a full set of shoe manufacturing sheets in 
the hookkeeping classes. Actual business transactions are made 
throughout the work, and care is taken to conform with the methods 
of the best shoe factories in the city. Pupils make out a weekly 
payroll, figure out the cost of production, etc. Throughout the 
course extensive use is made of the shoe exhibit, so that pupils 
associate properly the technical names and the materials themselves. 

In the Brockton High School there is a similar exhibit of shoe 
parts and materials. At a personal expense of $400 a shoe manu- 
facturer exhibited a line of shoes, arranged and labeled to show 
the process of manufacture in sequence. For the next school year 
an elective course is planned, dealing largely with t’ee historical side 
of the boot and shoe industry. It will involve the evolution of the 
shoe, the development of the shoe industry in the world and in the 
United States, the history of leather making, the processes of tan- 
ning, the problems of making, transporting and selling shoes and 
other similar topics. 

In this connection it may be well to suggest that chemistry, 
mechanics and mechanical drawing are closely related to the shoe 
industry. In chemistry, for example, a study of the chemical 
bleaches, such as sugar of lead, oxalic acid and ammonia and of the 
weight-giving adulterations such as barium chloride and glucose ; 
study of where chemical action ends and physical absorption begins 
in the process of vegetable tannage ; likewise a study of chrome 
tannage, patent and enameled leathers, stains and blackings would 
be of value. 

In mechanics would it not be possible to have a consolidated 



Trade Teaclii)ig in Boot and Shoe Jndnstry 157 

lasting machine, a pulling-over machine and other complicated 
machines which are built with mechanical movements like cams, 
levers, screws, inclined planes, etc., in the physical laboratory when 
the boys are studying mechanics, and to let them analyze the actions ? 
In mechanical drawing the boys might make drawings of machine 
parts which are related to the shoe machines, make drawings which 
will assist in pattern designing, determine the superficial area of a 
plane surface with reduction and enlargement of patterns, etc., 
realizing, of course, that the pattern drafting is to the shoe worker 
what mechanical drawing is to the mechanic. 

At present the major part of the training for shoemaking is 
being carried on in the shoe factories themselves. A prominent shoe 
manufacturer has stated that each factory is a trade school, but as 
a trade school, each is limited in the number of its students by the 
personal interest of the superintendent in his employees. Undoubt- 
edly it is true that the shoe factories are making their own help, 
and so long as shoe factories are the only places in America that are 
training shoe workers it will be impossible to give any description 
of the present status of shoe education in America other than that 
already mentioned. 

The country factory possibly comes nearer to being a trade 
school than the larger city plant. It is near the source of raw 
material and finds little difficulty in obtaining help. The so-called 
“cheap labor” (and it is cheap so far as wages go) is taken from 
the farms and woods with absolutely no conception of shoe work, 
and after six months’ training is fairly competent in some one part 
of the work. By this time the worker has discovered that the coun- 
try factory pays only about one-half what the big city factories 
are paying, and there is a second migration to the place of higher 
pay. In this way the country factories, as well as the plants where 
the cheapest shoes are made, are training grounds for the large 
factories. The system may not be commendable, but results are 
surprisingly effective. 

Factories in towns at a distance from larger industrial centers 
complain of the loss of their good material as soon as the workers 
get a general knowledge of the work. “Stealing a trade” is the 
common term in the shoe industry. If a young man wishes to enter 
the shoe business he begins work in an open shop, usually in some 
small place away from the great shoe centers. It is not unheard of 



158 The Annals of the Anieriean Aeademy 

for a man to obtain half a dozen different jobs in a fortnight, picking 
np a little knowledge of the work in each before being discharged 
for incoinpetency. When he has gained some skill he moves to the 
larger factory, where he pretends to be a skilled workman, and very 
often during the busy season is able to hold his job because of the 
scarcity of help. By the time the rush season is over he has really 
learned the trade and runs no more risk of being discharged than 
any other workman. Associations of this sort, now generally uni- 
versal in the shoe industry lead the worker to learn the operation 
of some particular machine. Many skilled machine workers have 
picked up their trade in this fashion. 

In turn, the city factories steal workmen from each other, for 
the large city plants cannot make their own help as well as the 
smaller plants in the country or the plants where cheap shoes are 
made. So agents are sent out, and men and women workers are 
taken from their employment in the factory where they have learned 
the trade and are pressed into service in some other. This is not as 
difficult as it may seem, for the many divisions and subdivisions of 
shoemaking render it possible to separate the unskilled labor most 
scientifically from the skilled. Men without a technical knowledge 
of shoemaking are employed in the capacity of shoe operatives 
engaged in a single specific operation. 

Advance in a factory is not prohibited by modern shop organi- 
zation. In almost any shoe factory in a New England state the 
manager can point out men in the best places who have started in 
the lowest positions and reached their present one by their own 
efforts alone. The boy may start in the cutting room on trimmings, 
heel stays or tongue, but if he shows that he can use judgment in 
placing patterns and cutting stock up cleanly and economically, it 
will be but a few seasons before he will be put to cutting tops or 
outsides. These points are made to show that advance is due to 
individual effort and ambition rather than to definite organized in- 
struction such as would be given in a school. A trade is, then, not 
taught but picked up through keen observation and natural ability. 
But the average young man is held to one branch by economic pres- 
sure. It cannot be expected that, if he receives good wages under 
the piece-work system, he would leave one machine to learn to 
operate another where he would receive less money, being less 
skilled at the new work. 



Trade Teaching in Boot and Shoe Industry 



159 



A brief description of education for shoe workers in other 
countries is in order. Such education has been developed in Eng- 
land more than in any other country, and can best be brought 
together under three groups : First, special shoe schools for shoe 
workers ; second, special courses in existing technical schools for 
instruction in shoemaking and leather manufacturing; third, evening 
continuation schools. 

The leather trade school at Bethnal Green, London, is of the 
first type. Free instruction is given in complete shoemaking, and 
one can become a very good shoemaker if sufficient time is given. 
The management of this school is vested in a general committee of 
representatives of the city and guilds of London Institute, the 
livery companies, and the Boot ;ind Shoe Manufacturers’ Associa- 
tion in proportion to the amount of their annual contributions. The 
school has the close supervision of an advisory committee, which 
investigates the technical work done as well as the methods of 
teaching. 

It is suggestive that nearly fifty per cent of the teachers are 
graduates of the school. The school authorities believe that the 
training of teachers in their own school has assisted very materially 
in making the school a success, as the teachers follow the lines 
already laid down more quickly than expert craftsmen. While the 
school has a few day students, the majority attend at night. Special 
arrangements are made for teaching day students, through engaging 
practical men from various factories to give special instruction for 
a few hours one day a week. The machinery has been loaned by 
manufacturing concerns and donations of materials, such as leather 
and lasts are constantly being made to the school. One dollar 
entitles a student to attend any evening class for the whole session 
of three terms of thirty-nine weeks. The school is attempting to 
place before the students the general outline of the whole industry 
and at the same time to give a deep and wide instruction in one 
branch so that graduates may make immediate use of their skill. 

Probably the best illustration of a school of the second class is 
that of the Leicester Technical School. This is one of the largest 
schools in the Lffiited Kingdom. Instruction is given in shoe manu- 
facturing, hosiery manufacturing, plumbing, carpentry, architecture, 
etc. The shoe manufacturing classes are arranged in preliminary 
and advanced classes in pattern cutting, and lectures are given on 



i6o 



The Annals of the American Academy 



upper cutting, stitching room methods, bottom stockroom, lasting 
and finishing. After students have received important notes of the 
lectures in each department, a practical demonstration is given of 
fitting, stitching and lasting on donated machines. The British 
United Shoe Machinery Company contributes the machinery and 
sends its experts to give the practical demonstrations. Once a 
week a lecture l)y prominent shoe manufacturers is given on general 
subjects, such as “The Bone and Muscular Construction of the 
Foot,” “Last Making,” “Shoe Machinery Design,” “Leather Manu- 
facture,” “Estimating the Cost of the Upper and Bottom Stock of 
a Shoe,” etc. These classes are to enable workers not only to make a 
part of the shoe, but to learn the processes of the other departments 
and the technical names of each part of the shoe, thus producing 
better foremen and managers or superintendents. 

The evening continuation movement of the Northamptonshire 
County Council illustrates the third type. This institution conducts 
classes in eight shoe centers. Various centers are grouped around 
one larger one with a full-time paid instructor at its head. Ac 
present schools have been organized at Northampton, Kittering, 
Wellingborough, Rushden, Irtlingborough, Raunds, Long Buckby. 
Instruction is given in the evening, and eighteen classes a week are 
handled at distances extending over thirty miles. These have a 
total enrolment of about three hundred students and a teaching force 
of three instructors. The fee is about sixty-two cents for the 
season fronr September to May. 

The teaching is adapted to each place according to the grade 
of shoe made there. It is not expected that the shoe workers will be 
acquainted with the whole trade. However, there are some things 
in the shoe trade that an intelligent worker with a desire to advance 
must know. These are taught in a general section. At the same time 
the men desire to qualify as practical men in one branch. The school 
authorities allow them to select any one subdivision, but do not teach 
them any special operation by itself. For example, if a r-oung 
man wishes to qualify as a laster, he is not permitted to he taught 
only how to tack a shoe upon a last ; the school expects him to 
show that he understands thoroughly the principles upon which it 
is done and its effect upon subsequent operations. The course is 
divided into three years, although few students get through the 
three divisions in three years. 



Trade Teaching in Boot and Shoe Industry i6i 

A comprehensive series of examinations has been inaugurated 
for stimulating the students. They are divided into a technical 
side and a practical side. If a student wishes to qualify, for ex- 
ample, as a pattern maker, he first attempts a written examination 
and then takes a practical examination in an ordinary workshop 
upon ordinary work. There is a great deal of elasticity in the teach- 
ing, according to the class and work of the students. The amount 
of time given varies in different towns. The average is about two 
evenings a week, depending largely upon what the local committee 
considers the best for that place. There is one point, however, 
which is alwa} S made, that every student must have some theoreti- 
cal instruction, otherwise the school would produce the same class 
of workmen as are now in the business, instead of raising the 
standard of the men employed. To give the boy an efficient 
training and to give the man, who has probably lost educational 
opportunities, some chance of supplying what he has lost, is the edu- 
cational ideal. Out of a hundred students taken at random twenty- 
nine have become manufacturers or retailers or managers since they 
attended the classes, and thirty-seven have become pattern makers. 
There are very few of the men who have not received benefits from 
the continuation school work. 

Another important school is the Royal Prussian Shoe Technical 
School at Wermelskirken, Germany. It was founded by the City of 
Wermelskirken. It is in the Province of Dusseldorf and is super- 
vised and supported by the German Government. The school is 
conducted by a director, who understands the needs of the shoe 
industry, and four experienced teachers, all of whom are experts in 
their several lines. The main purpose of the school is to educate 
superintendents, foremen of the bottoming and stitching rooms and 
pattern makers. The course is so laid out that the graduates can 
take any position in aii}^ branch of the shoe industry. The school 
runs for eight hours a day for forty-six weeks in a year. The time 
required to fit a man for the superintendency is two years, while 
one year is all that is necessary for the foremanship of a bottoming 
or stitching room. It takes six months to properly train a pattern 
maker. The cost per course for half the school year is approx- 
imately thirty dollars. In other words, the training for a superin- 
tendent, who ought to take the courses in the stitching room and 
bottoming room, and in pattern making, would cost $360. The 



i 62 



The Annals of the American Academy 



upper course, as it is called, consists in trying different styles of 
shoe patterns, cutting patterns and setting various combinations 
of different patterns. The cutting course consists in laying out of 
the patterns of different sizes on various kinds of leather in order 
that the most economical system of cutting may be determined. 
Accompanying the work in the cutting of shoes are lectures about 
the different processes of tanning, upper shoe stitching, calculating 
stitching cost and the cost of shoe findings, with the accompanying 
calculations of wages. The bottom course consists of drawing dif- 
ferent soles, insoles, and heels, cutting soles, designing cutters and 
working out the curvature for the heel knives. It also includes a 
study of the dyeing and tanning of sole leather, and calculating the 
cost of sole leather as estimated by the waste and the wages paid. The 
finishing course includes the finishing by the various special ma- 
chines, the ironing of uppers, their blacking and finishing, as well as 
the study of various formulae for preparing inks, dressings and 
stains. 

In the United States there is need of special schools for those 
who are to enter the shoe industry. An industry which employs 
nearly 150,000 people, which has a working capital of $125,000,000 
and makes a yearly product valued at $320,000,000. is surely as 
worthy of having special schools for the training of skilled help 
as are the textile and machine trade industries. 



THE APPRENTICE SYSTEM ON THE NEW YORK 
CENTRAL LINES 



By C. W. Cross, 

Superintendent of Apprentices, New York City. 



The apprentice system recently introduced upon the New York 
Central lines, and now being extended as rapidly as possible through- 
out the system, is a development which could with great advantage 
be paralleled in manufacturing and commercial organizations. While 
it is too soon to judge accurately of the final results, those thus far 
apparent, and the very rational and practical methods which are 
being used, indicate that such efforts will very materially improve 
labor conditions and add greatly to the efficiency of the organiza- 
tions making them. 

Those who are familiar with the present labor situation, the 
lack of skilled mechanics, the difficulty in securing foremen and 
the gross neglect on most roads of a system for recruiting good 
men for these positions, must realize the need of improvement. The 
most forceful presentation of this subject which has ever been made, 
whether we consider the railroads alone or the manufacturing of 
commercial interests at large, was by Mr. G. M. Basford in a paper 
read before the Master Mechanics’ Association in 1905.^ The neces- 
sity of installing such a system, and a general outline of a system, 
which would produce successful results, under present condi- 
tions, was clearly presented. These suggestions have been followed 
quite closely in working out the details on the New York Central 
lines. 

The system adopted may be summed up under the following 
heads : 

1. Close supervision and instruction of the apprentices in the 
shop by an apprentice instructor is provided. 

2. A school is conducted by the company during working 
hours, at which mechanical drawing is taught in a practical wav. 
The apprentice is paid for attendance. 

‘“American Engineer," page 2.51, .July, 1905. 

(163) 



I 



164 



The Annals of the Aniencan Academy 



3. A course of problems, carefully arranged to suit the needs 
of the apprentices, has been prepared. These they are expected to 
work out on their own time. 

While the system differs radically in many respects, from any- 
thing that has heretofore been done in this country, it follows more 
or less closely the general principles governing the educational sys- 
tem of the British Admiralty, which has been in operation more than 
sixty years and, according to Sir William H. White, has produced 
the majority of the men who are now occupying the most prominent 
positions in the ship-building industries of Great Britain. He says 
of the system: “It has given to private ship-builders its leaders, 
who have risen from the ranks, while it has producecl men holding 
many important and influential positions in all parts of the world.”' 

The only system that has been carried out on a large scale in this 
country, which at all approaches the methods used on the New York 
Central Lines, is that of the General Electric Company’s apprentice 
school at Lynn, Mass.^ A special shop has been fitted up at Lynn 
known as the “Apprentice Training School,” and for the first one 
and a half or two and a half years the boys work in this shop under 
the direction of competent instructors. The production of this de- 
partment is of commercial value. The latter part of the course is 
spent on regular work in the shops. A school is conducted during 
working hours at the expense of the company, each apprentice re- 
ceiving six hours’ instruction a week. 

^Manufacturing industries are suffering greatly from the lack 
of suitable means for recruiting skilled labor, and unless immediate 
steps are taken to remedy the difficulty the commercial resources of 
the country will be seriously crippled. The same thing applies with 
equal force to the motive-power departments of our railroads. 

It is true that here or there a railroad or a shop has given some 
attention to this subject, but generally speaking, it has been almost 
lost sight of. The old methods are not suitable for the new condi- 
tions, and an adequate system cannot be installed and carried on 
successfully as a side issue by an officer who has already all he can 
do. Fortunately the formation of large railroad systems, each made 
up of several railroads, makes it possible to place a work of this 

-See article In “Techniques." .Tannary, 1004, 

^Described in a paper on "A Plan to Provide for a Supply of Skilled Workmen." 
presented by Mr. Magnus W. Alexander at the December. 190(5. meeting of the 
.\merican Society of Mechanical Engineers. 



Apprentice System on Xeio York Central Lines 1O5 

kind in the hands of a qualified man who can give his entire time to 
it and employ the necessary assistants. 

It was with a clear understanding of this fact that the officials 
of the New York Central lines set about the formation of a school 
to train apprentices. The purpose of such movement, if it is to be 
successful, must be in line with the suggestions of Mr. G. M. Bash- 
ford, used in closing the discussion of his paper for the Master 
Mechanics’ Association two years ago. “I beg you to bear in mind 
the pyramid — a pyramid of the rank and file, the rank and file of 
the workmen, upon whose shoulders you stand. As the base is 
great and upright and strong morally and intellectually, so is the 
structure. No structure is great and permanent that is not right 
at the bottom.” If steps are taken to furnish a good supply of 
skilled workmen, well equipped for service under modern shop con- 
ditions, there will be no trouble in developing men from among them 
for the highest positions. 

Although at the inauguration of the new plan there were twelve 
shops on the system, each of which had from twenty to seventy- 
four apprentices, apprentice schools of some kind had been carried 
on previously by the local managements at only four points — Elk- 
hart, Ind. ; Jackson, Mich. ; Oswego, N. Y. ; McKees Rocks, Pa. 

Development of the Apprentice Schools 

About thirty-five years ago an apprentice school was started at 
the Elkhart shops on the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Rail- 
way. The sessions were held in the evening and the school was 
intended primarily for apprentices, although anyone in the employ 
of the company was eligible for membership. Instruction was con- 
tinued with more or less success, and in 1901, under the direction 
of the writer, then the master mechanic, attendance was made com- 
pulsory for apprentices, and what was known as the apprentice 
association was organized. This association held meetings every 
two weeks, at which reports were made by committees who had 
■^'isited other shops, or addresses were made by persons skilled in 
different classes of w'ork. While membership in the association 
was not compulsory, the greater number of the apprentices belonged 
to it, and the meetings were well attended. 

On July 28, 1886. evening class work for the apprentices was 
started at the Jackson shops of the lUichigan Central Railroad. 



lOO 



The Annals of the American Academy 



I'or the first few months the classes were held from 7 to 9 p. m., 
but this did not prove satisfactory and the hours were changed to 
5.15 to 7.15 p. m. Each class met one night a week from November 
1st to April 30th. Attendance was made compulsory. In January, 
]()04, an apprentice school was organized at the Oswego shops of 
the New York Central under the direction of i\Ir. W. O. Thompson, 
division superintendent of motive power. This class met for two 
hours, one day of each week, directly after the whistle blew at the 
close of the day. Attendance was made compulsory for the appren- 
tices, and they were paid for their time in the class, thus making it 
possible to enforce a somewhat more rigid discipline. About two 
years ago an evening school was organized at the IMcKees Rocks 
shops of the Pittsburgh and Lake Erie Railroad. The classes met 
twice a week and attendance of the apprentices was made com- 
pulsory. Mechanical drawing was taught at these four schools, the 
method being the same as that ordinarily followed, including prac- 
tice in lettering, geometrical exercises, projections, copying of draw- 
ings and blue prints, making drawings of locomotive parts and 
making tracings. 

The apprentice dc])artment of the New York Central lines was 
inaugurated on March i, 1906. On May 7, 1906, the first apprentice 
class, under this new plan, was started at the West x-Vlbany shop. 
It was realized, of course, that while there would be some advan- 
tages which would be almost immediately apparent, the most im- 
portant results would not be noticeable for a number of years, and, 
therefore, before starting the organizatYn steps were taken to insure 
its permanency for a period of sufficient length to enable the results 
to be clearly demonstrated. 

Organisation of the School 

The department as at present organized is under the direction 
of the wwiter, superintendent of apprentices, who devotes his entire 
time to this work. Mr. II. Gardner, assistant superintendent of 
apprentices, has charge of the educational features. Mr. Gardner is 
a graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and w'as 
engaged for a number of years as an instructor. He has thus had 
exceptional opportunities for studying boys and young men of about 
the same type as the apprentices in railroad shops, and understands 
thoroughly how to arrange the work to hold their interest, and so 



167 



Apprentice System on Xeie York Central Lines 

they will understand how to apply what they have learned to prac- 
tical purposes. This central organization, with offices at the Grand 
Central Station, New York City, deals with the general problems 
affecting the apprentice work, outlines the different courses, looks 
after the educational work, organizes new schools and keeps in 
close touch with all the needs of the institution. 

The boys come into contact with actual shop conditions from 
the very first. At each of the larger shops are two instructors, a 
drawing instructor, who in most cases is the shop draftsman, and 
who has charge of the school work, and a shop instructor who give; 
his entire time to instructing the apprentices in their shop work 
and to seeing that they receive the proper shop experience. Both 
of these men report directly to the local officers of the road, who 
keep in close touch with the apprentice department. The appren- 
tices are, therefore, instructed by men already in the service of the 
company, on the shop property during working hours and while 
under pay. The instruction is given in the shop on the regular 
tools and in the regular run of work. The schedules followed 
insure a thorough training in the trade and give the necessarv 
variety of work. 

The drawing and the problem courses are arranged to allow 
each apprentice to progress as rapidly as he desires, but so as to 
enable a single instructor to handle classes with as many as twentv- 
four students in a class. The work assigned is such as to fit the 
standards of the road. The students are taught to read in the lan- 
guage of the shop and to meet the special conditions locally existing. 

Method of Instrnction 

The method of instruction differs radically from the ordinary 
methods of teaching in the following points : 

(i) Text-books are not an essential part of the plan. (2) There is no 
sub-division into subjects. (3) All principles are clothed in problem form. 

(4) There is no arbitrary standard of the amount of ground to be covered. 

(5) No examinations are held. The progress and the marks of the appren- 
tices are based on the close personal touch maintained between the instructors 
and the apprentices. 

The apprentice work can be installed at the greater number of 
the shops by using talent already in the service of the comnany. 
The men in the shops, both foremen and workmen, have evinced 



i68 The Annals of the American Academy 

considerable interest in the apprentice school, and there has been a 
demand for evening schools to give them the same advantages. In 
response to this desire, evening schools have been started at a num- 
ber of places, including McKees Rocks (October, 1906), Elkhart 
(November, 1906), Jackson (November, 1906), West Albany (No- 
vember, 1906), Brightwood (December, 1906), Oswego (January, 
1907), and Collinwood (February, 1907). These classes are open 
to all of the employees at all of the points except Elkhart and 
McKees Rocks. They meet for an hour and a half or two hours 
directly after the shop whistle blows in the evening. At Elkhart 
the classes meet from 7 to 9 and at iMcKees Rocks from 7.30 to 
9.30 p. m. The men are more regular in attendance and take a 
keener interest in the work when the meeting is held directly after 
the shop closes. In many cases the men live a considerable distance 
from the shop, and it would not be convenient for them to return 
after going home to their dinners. 

The make-up of these classes is very interesting and will give 
some idea of the extent to which this work has been carried. At 
several of the schools where there is a full quota of apprentices and 
a waiting list, the boys take places as helpers until there is an opening 
for them in the apprentice department. These boys usually enroll 
in the evening classes. Boys who have finished their apprenticeship 
also follow up their studies in connection with the evening classes. 

The men who attend the evening classes take the same course 
as the apprentices, hut if they desire may skip the easier portions. 
As a rule they prefer to take all of the work, reviewing that part 
with which they are familiar. They furnish all of their own mate- 
rial and pay the instructor, the apprentice school drawing instruc- 
tor, for his time. The cost of tuition amounts to about $i.2=^ per 
month, which ordinarily includes nine lessons. The classes are held 
in the apprentice school room, the company furnishing this with 
light and heat, free. Only the drawing work is done in class, the 
problems being worked outside. 

These evening classes give the more ambitious men an oppor- 
tunity for becoming more proficient and to fit themselves for better 
]iositions. They are especially valuable for foremen and for assist- 
ant foremen who desire to “brush up” their knowledge of drawing 
and mathematics. As a result the shop men are becoming more 
familiar with the company standards and are being drawn into closer 
touch with the shop draftsmen. 



Apprentice System on Nezv York Central Li)ies 169 

Location of Schools 

The schoolroom should be located near the shop buildings from 
which the greater number of apprentices come, in order that as 
little time as possible will be lost in going to and from work, ana 
so that the boys can conveniently drop in during the noon hour. 
The room should be well lighted and ventilated. Provision should 
be made if possible for sufficient blackboard space to send the entire 
class to the board at one time. Floor area, including the space 
occupied by the filing cases, racks or tables for models and the 
instructor’s desk, should average at least twenty-five to thirty square 
feet to each member of the class. 

At West Albany the schoolroom is on the ground floor of a 
building next to the machine shop and opposite the office building. 
A connecting room at one end contains the filing cases and large 
models. At Oswego, Depew, Jackson and Collin wood the school- 
rooms are in the office building, the one at Depew being especially 
large and well lighted. At McKees Rocks a large room on the 
second floor of the storehouse, which is centrally located, is used. 
At Elkhart the school is held in a separate building which was 
formerly used by one of the other departments. It is well lighted, 
as it is comparatively narrow and has windows on both sides. 

The building at Brightwood, on the Big Four, was built espe- 
cially for the school. It is of frame construction, located conveni- 
ently, and the large amount of window space furnishes splendid 
light. The inside dimensions of the building are 25 by 50 by 13 
feet high. The classes at this place meet twice a week for the first 
two hours in the morning. The boys are bright, fresh and clean at 
this time of day and able to do their best work. This is much more 
satisfactory than evening classes, as the boys are in a more receptive 
frame of mind than after a long day in the shops. The school is 
closed during the month of August. The boys ring in at the shop 
before coming to class, and at the close of the session proceed 
directly to the shop. 

The total number of apprentices enrolled in the schools at the 
present time is about 500. The total number of apprentices on the 
New York Central lines, not including the Boston and Albany, is 
667. Extension to the other large shops of the company is taking 
place as rapidly as possible. 

No attempt has been made to grade the classes according to the 



The Aivials of the .iiiierieaii Aeadeiiiy 



170 

progress made by the students except at Oswego. x\t that place 
conditions at present are such that this can be done. Care is ex- 
ercised that too many boys are not taken from any one department 
in the shop at the same time, so as not to interfere too seriously 
with the shop work. The drawing course is arranged so that one 
instructor can look after as many as twenty-four boys at a time, 
although smaller classes may be handled to better advantage. The 
average number of students in a class is about seventeen. 

Character of Instruction 

The class work is largely mechanical drawing, although some 
time is devoted to blackboard exercises in connection with the prob- 
lem course, and occasionally the instructor may find it advisable to 
talk to the class about the work in the drawing or problem courses. 
The students are also instructed from models as to shop practice 
and taught the principles of the steam engine and valve setting with 
the aid of a small stationary engine in the classroom. 

The drawing course is very dififerent from that ordinarily fol- 
lowed, and is based on strictly practical and common-sense lines. 
No time is wasted on geometrical exercises, but from the very first 
the student draws objects with which he is familiar and comes in 
contact in the shop. The first exercises are largely redrawing cor- 
rectl)^ sketches which are not in scale, the dimensions in all cases 
being taken from the model. New principles are introduced gradu- 
ally, and progress is slow but very thorough. Like the drawing 
course, the problem course is eminently practical and based 'on shop 
practice and company standards. No matter how simple the prob- 
lem, even in simple addition and subtraction, they refer to something 
with which the boy is familiar in connection with his work. The 
problems gradually grow more difficult, taking up the simpler prin- 
ciples of algebra, geometry, physics, elementary mechanics, etc., but 
these are introduced only when necessary to solve some practical 
problem and are not classified as such. The boys do the greater 
part of the problem work at home. It is not possible to use text- 
books in connection with either of the above courses. The work 
must be arranged to suit the special conditions met with in a rail- 
road shop, and to be effective the problems must be tied up closely 
to the shop work. For instance, the drawing and problem courses 
for the locomotive and car department are not alike. The drawing 



Apprentice System on Xezo York Central Lines 171 

problems are arranged on blue print sheets and when a boy is ready 
a problem sheet and a model are handed to him, the sheet giving the 
directions as to what is to be done. In this way each boy in th? 
class can work on a dift'erent problem, and yet the work of the 
instructor is very little more difficult than if all were on the same 
problem. 



The Drawing Instructor 

The success of any such system of instruction depends very 
largely upon selecting the proper men for instructors. The drawing 
instructor should preferably be the shop draftsman, thus being 
brought in close contact with shop problems and also with the men 
in the shop. He must be a man who will take a genuine interest in 
the boys, and who can see things from their point of view ; a man 
that the boys will not fear to approach, either for information as to 
their class of problem work or for advice as to personal matters. 

The instructor should be a man to whom the boys will look for 
advice and assistance in forming apprentice clubs or organizations, 
whether intended for educational or social purposes One instructoi 
who is especially close to the boys is very often accosted on the 
street in the evening by boys who have questions to ask in connec- 
tion with some problem. Some make a practice of calling on the 
boys at their homes when they have been absent from the shop due 
to illness or other causes. A quiet talk with a careless or indifferent 
boy often accomplishes remarkable results. 

The Shop Instructor 

The shop instructor is an important factor in the organization. 
At the larger shops he gives his entire time to looking after the 
apprentices. He instructs the boys at their trade and sees that they 
are changed from one class of work to another, in accordance with 
the apprentice schedules. In changing the apprentices about the 
instructors consult with the various foremen, studying the situation 
carefullv, in order to have as little friction as possible in making the 
changes, and so as not to interfere too greatly wdth the efficiency of 
any one department. His suggestions must, of course, be approved 
by tbe shop superintendent before they go into effect. 

With the school in operation the apprentices report to their 
foremen in the shops, as before, but the foremen are relieved of all 



1/2 



The Annals of the American Academy 



responsibility of instructing them. Ordinarily very great returns 
are not to be expected from the introduction of an apprentice system 
until after a period of several years, but the work of the shop 
instructor has been found to affect almost immediately the shop 
output, and this is to be expected. The shop foremen are too busy 
to spend much time with the boys, and ordinarily the instruction in 
shop practice has been very much neglected, thus restricting the 
output and increasing the amount of spoiled work. 

The shop instructor, like the drawing instructor, must have a 
great deal of patience with the boys and take a genuine interest in 
them. He must be a good mechanic, must have sufficient all-around 
knowledge to enable him to look after the boys in the various trades, 
and his position in the shop organization should be such that the 
boys will look up to him. IMost of all, he should be a man who will 
appeal to the boys and know how to convey his ideas so that they 
will readily understand him. He should take a broad view of the 
shop problems, giving the boys some idea as to the general principles 
affecting their work, such, for instance, as movement of material 
through the shop, the cost of production and the elimination of lost 
motion in performing their work. 

In addition to what financial compensation the drawing and 
shop instructors receive there are other important advantages to 
them. To handle their work successfully they must study up and 
become more familiar with the work in the various departments of 
the shops. They become familiar with shop practice at other points 
on the system by occasional visits. If they have marked executive 
ability it soon becomes apparent and this, with the broader view 
they have of the shop operation, fits them for more important posi- 
tions in the organization. Nothing is quite so important in crystal- 
lizing one’s ideas and broadening one’s outlook as trying to instruct 
others. 

Equipment 

An effort has been made to provide sufficient blackboard space 
in each schoolroom, so that the entire class, if possible, may be sent 
to the board at one time. A standard drawing table is used at 
several shops, but at others the shape of the room, or equipment 
already at hand, made it advisable to deviate from this. The form 
favored is simple, but substantial and inexpensive. Drawing stools 
are furnished and are especially appreciated by the evening classes. 



Apprentice Systeui on Xezo York Central Lines 



173 



Cases are provided for filing the drawing boards and tools. 
Each drawing board is numbered and is filed in a corresponding 
space in the case, the tools being placed in an orderly arrangement 
on top of the board. 

Each boy is furnished with a pine drawing board, shellac finish, 
18 by 24 by ’^Vio ii^^h thick. The boards have hardwood strips 14 
I inch mortised in each end to keep them from warping. In 
addition, the boy is furnished with a T-square, celluloid triangle, a 
wooden curve, triangular box scale, thumb tacks, erasers, erasing 
shield, protractor, pencils, a file for sharpening the pencils, ink, pens 
and penholder and the necessary drawing and tracing paper. As 
these supplies are purchased in large quantities, the cost to the 
company is comparatively small. The boys are expected to provide 
their own drawing instruments, which, because of the large number 
of sets required, are comparatively inexpensive. A splendid set 
may be secured for $4.00 and very satisfactory sets can be obtained 
as low as $2.50. 

Each school is provided with a small vertical engine and a light 
engine lathe, not necessarily new or up-to-date, wdiich is used in 
connection with the drawing and problem course. Any number of 
practical problems may be based on the gearing, pulleys, etc., of the 
lathe, and the principles of steam distribution and valve setting are 
taught in connection with the engine. A combination stereopticon 
and reflection or opaque projection lantern has been purchased by 
the railroad company and is used in connection with lectures given. 
The testing laboratories, machinery and equipment, especially at the 
larger shops, afiford exceptional opportunities for occasional prac- 
tical demonstrations in connection with the class work. 

Appreciation of Opportunity 

The apprentices generally have displayed considerable interest 
in the work of the school and the efforts which are being made to 
improve their opportunities. This is clearly shown in a number of 
ways, especially by the earnestness with which the greater number 
of them are following up the drawing and problem courses. At 
several shops the writer called at the school during the noon hour, 
after the boys had eaten their lunch, and almost invariably, several 
of them would be found working on problems, looking up references, 
asking questions of the instructor or talking the work over among 



1/4 



The Annals of the Aineriean ^-leademy 



themselves. Some of the boys have completed their apprentice 
course since the school was inaugurated, but realizing the oppor- 
tunity which was being placed before them, they have enrolled in 
the evening classes and are continuing their studies in that way. 

While only two or three of the schools have been in operation for 
as long as two years, a number of practical advantages have become 
evident. With the greater opportunities that are being offered a 
better class of boys is being secured. Formerly it was difficult to 
keep up the full quota of apprentices at most of the shops. Now 
there is a waiting list for some of the trades at several shops and 
apprentices are being secured for trades formerly without them. 
The apprentices take a greater interest in their work in the shop, 
and because of the principles learned in connection with their educa- 
tional work are better able to understand the instructions given to 
them and to carrv them nut intelligcntlv. The annrentice schools 
give promise of becoming a permanent boon both to those instructed 
and to the company. The former advance more rapidly and their 
earning power is thus increased. The latter have less spoiled work 
to charge to the loss account and have greater surety of obtaining a 
steady and skilled labor supply. 



APPRENTICESHIP SYSTEM AT TPIE BALDWIN LOCO- 
MOTIVE WORKS, PHILADELPHIA 



By N. W. Sample, 
Superintendent of Apprentices. 



On the first day of January, 1901, the Baldwin Locomotive 
Works re-established a system of indentured apprenticeship which 
had fallen into disuse for over twenty-five years on a basis adapted 
to existing social and business conditions. The plan adopted met 
with general favor both among the employees and the public, a 
large number taking advantage of the opportunity became inden- 
tured the first year. 

In order that the undertaking should have proper supervision, 
and to conserve the best interests of all concerned, the work was 
placed in charge of one man specially appointed. By this method it 
was possible to maintain uniformity of discipline and shop regula- 
tion in the different departments and to properly direct and super- 
vise the instruction of the apprentices. 

Description of System 

Apprentices are taken in three classes. The first class includes 
boys seventeen years of age who have had a good common school 
education and who bind themselves by indenture, with the consent 
of parent or guardian, to serve four years, to be regular in atten- 
dance at their work, to obey all orders given them by foremen or 
others in authority, to recognize the supervision of the firm over their 
conduct out of as well as in the shops, and to attend such night 
schools during the first three years of their apprenticeship as will 
teach them in the first year elementary algebra and geometry and 
in the remaining years the rudiments of mechanical drawing. 

The second class is similar to the first, but includes boys 
eighteen years old who have had a high school or college prepara- 
tory school education, and who bind themselves, with the consent 
of parents or guardian, to serve three years. This boy is obligated 
to attend night school the first two years of his apprenticeship for 

(17s) 



176 



The Annals of the American Academy 



instruction in mechanical drawing, unless he has already had suffi- 
cient instruction in that work. 

The third class indenture is in the form of an agreement made 
with persons over tw'enty-one years of age who are graduates of 
colleges, technical schools or scientific institutions and who desire 
to secure instruction in practical shop work. 

There is no school maintained at the works by the firm for its 
apprentices, no clubs, guilds or assemblies of any kind, paternalism 
being avoided wherever possible. The indentures in the first anti 
second classes provide for attendance at the public schools, although 
a large percentage attend the night sessions of the scientific institu- 
tions, of which there are a number in the city. While a knowledge 
of higher mathematics and mechanical drawing is desirable and 
necessary and the attainment of proficiency in these branches is 
provided for, the vocational education of the apprentice is, however, 
most to be desired, if a class of good all-round mechanics is to be 
the result of the system. 

All applications for employment under the system are made to 
the superintendent of apprentices, who has general charge and de- 
cides as to the acceptability of the applicant. The individual is 
required to make formal application in his own handwriting on a 
blank form provided for the purpose, stating what trade he wishes 
to learn, his age, school attendance, branches of study pursued, name 
of parents or guardian and residence. If the applicant is found to 
be physically able, and of good moral character, he is accepted on 
thirty days' probation, and if at the end of that time his conduct 
and service have been satisfactory he is indentured and paid a fixed 
wage per hour, increasing each year. If he completes the full term 
of his apprenticeship faithfully and well a bonus of one hundred and 
twenty-five dollars is paid to first-class and one hundred dollars to 
second-class boys. 

Apprentices in the first and second classes are not permitted to 
work at the same process more than three months, or in one shop 
or department more than one year. Apprentices in the third class 
have change of occupation in the department to which they are 
assigned at any time they may desire by making application to the 
foreman. They are changed from one department to another everv 
six months, ^^^^en an apprentice has been indentured and assigned 
to a department the foreman in charge is furnished a blank form 



Apprentice System at BaldzAn Locomotk'e IVorks 



177 



on which is kept a complete record of tlie apprentice’s conduct and 
service. This record is sent with the boy, to the foreman of the 
next department to which he may be transferred. The last period 
of one year or six months of each apprenticeship is spent in the 
erecting shop. His record is here completed and is filed with the 
original indenture when the term of service has expired. 

Each sub-foreman or contractor has a number of boys and is 
held responsible for their vocational training while under his super- 
vision. The discipline, however, remains with the foreman of the 
department, subject to appeal, in exceptional cases, to the head of 
the apprentices’ department, whose duty it is to see that all inden- 
tured obligations are strictly observed, that changes of occupation 
and changes from one department to another are regularly made, 
that the apprentice attends school regularly and is given abundant 
opportunity to acquire a thorough knowledge of his trade. 

School attendance is obligatory. A satisfactory excuse must be 
given for non-attendance. The attendance of the apprentices at the 
night sessions of the public and other schools has been remarkably 
good considering that the younger boys, less physically and mentally 
able, have been at work for ten hours. The attendance of those 
registered at the public schools in the session of 1907-08 was 84 per 
cent and of those registered at the scientific institutions 89 per cent, 
which is about the average of past years. 

Results 

The system as adopted in its practical application has worked 
out upon the whole quite satisfactorily. The apprentices come from 
all parts of the country, in fact, from all over the world, and it 
could, therefore, not be expected that all those who complete their 
terms should remain as journeymen in the employ of the works. It 
is a fact, however, that on the ist of January, 1908, three years after 
the first indentured apprentice completed his term, there were em- 
ployed over two hundred graduated first-class all-round mechanics 
capable of assignment to anv shop work, and of this number fifty 
occupied places of responsibility as heads of departments, foremen, 
assistant foremen, contractors and leading workmen. It is no longer 
necessary to go outside of the works for any talent desired. 



TRADE TEACHING UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE 
TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION 



By W. B. Prescott, 

Secretary, International Typographical Union Commission on Supplemental 

Trade Education, Chicago. 



A number of tilings — all commonplace enough in the industrial 
world — moved the International Typographical Union to establish 
trade or technical education as a feature of its work. Its long and 
fruitless agitation to preserve some semblance of a real apprentice- 
ship system taught it that the education of apprentices was no longer 
possible in the average printing office. The shops were becoming 
specialized, and hence of necessity graduated specialists. For em- 
]iloying printers to say they would thoroughly “teach” a boy the 
trade was largely a figure of speech ; with few exceptions they 
could not if they would, as they lacked the facilities. The boy would 
be turned over to a foreman or superintendent, who is always 
harassed with demands that he reduce the cost of production, and 
who in turn is ever urging those under him to greater effort or 
devising plans to meet the insistent demand for an increased output. 

In these circumstances it is not surprising that the foreman’s 
chief desire is not to teach the boy the trade, but to discover how he 
can be used most profitably. If the boy shows special aptness for 
some simple operation, his “apprenticeship” too often consists in do- 
ing that one thing. If he acquires a general knowledge of the trade, 
it is as best he may by the rule of thumb, for woe betide the journev- 
man who puts on his time ticket “Thirty minutes consumed in 
showing Johnny the how and why on the Smith job.” If fortu- 
nate, this warm-hearted fellow would be warned that he was there 
to produce the goods and not to show others how to do it. If not 
so fortunate, and he persisted in taking a real interest in the boy at 
his side, he would be laid off because his ticket didn’t show the 
results desired. This system has been producing so-called specialists, 
and some are inclined to say it is all right in an age of specialists, 
as they point to this lawyer or that physician or financier who has 
had unbounded success by following a specialty in his profession. 

(178) . 



Trade Teaching by Typographical L'liiun 



179 



They forget that the physician is first well-grounded in the principles 
and practice of medicine, and the attorney in the principles of law. 
before selecting their specialties. That general knowledge is of 
great assistance to them. The workman trained in the manner just 
described may be a specialist at his trade, but it is because that one 
operation is the extent of his knowledge of his vocation. In the 
highly specialized trades the dread dead line, or age limit, is placed 
at an early year, and precarious employment is the rule. Xot being 
transferable from one class of work to another, this kind of "special- 
ist" is the victim of the greatest blight that can come athwart a 
wage-earner's life — unsteady employment. While the old appren- 
ticeship system was decaying the quality of the printed page was 
improving. The improvement is due in great measure to the influ- 
ence of commercial artists who design work to the last detail, which 
the artisan copies with more or less fidelity. This precludes even 
the most capable compositors exercising their ingenuity or skill, 
thereby reducing them to the grade of mere copyists, which is fatal 
to the development of originality or mental growth. 

Another motive that actuated the union to take up trade teach- 
ing was a desire to influence in some degree the use of the new- 
found leisure of its members. The strike incident to the establish- 
ment of the eight-hour workday had not ended when the organiza- 
tion appointed a commission to formulate some scheme whereby its 
members and apprentices could obtain a better knowledge of the 
trade than is possible in the offices. The commission organized last 
December. Its .problem was to devise a plan of education that 
would be acceptable to the nearly 50,000 members of the Interna- 
tional Typographical Union distributed among about 700 local 
unions. It must have an educational scheme with a message for the 
best printer in the metropolis as well as the tyro in the “jerkwater” 
town. It was at first suggested that something be done along the 
lines of university extension work and the establishment of plants 
for school purposes in printing centers. This scheme was rejected, 
partly on account of the great expense attached thereto and partly 
because some of those paying for the educational system and per- 
haos needing its assistance most — those residing in small towns or 
in remote districts — would not be able to take advantage of it. 

The “Inland Printer,” the craft’s leading trade journal, had con- 
ducted a technical school a number of years under the auspices of 



i8o 



The Annals of the American Academy 



the union. It had been a success financially, but its promoters had 
long been dissatisfied with the character of instruction imparted. 
Following the lines of typographical education generally, its stand- 
ard of excellence was a matter of personal taste. If one instructor 
said “This is a good job,’’ and another dissented from that dictum, 
there might be many words and some heat, but no informing, en- 
lightening information reached the students. Convinced that there 
must be reasons to justify good typography, the promoters of the 
Inland Printer School determined to ascertain what they were, and 
remedy the defect common to trade educational efforts. They went 
to the art schools and schools of design, and on investigation found 
that they were teaching the principles which are the basis of good 
typography. It might be mentioned parenthetically that some of 
the art school people scoffed at the idea that what they were teaching 
had aught to do with so common a thing as printing ; that art could 
have aught to do with what they deemed purely mechanical opera- 
tions was not comprehended by them. The Inland Printer School 
then began to teach craftsmanship scientifically — to expound the 
principles of design and of color harmony. 

About the time the union’s commission was appointed it had 
been suggested that this system of instruction could be reduced t'l 
a correspondence course. Satisfied that the instruction was what 
was needed, the commission saw its way out of the dilemma born 
of the necessity for reaching the poorest and most backward printer 
as well as the best-paid men working in finely-equipped offices. As 
a commercial venture this course of thirty-seven lessons would cost 
from $50 to $60, which would deter many from taking it. The 
commission was anxious that no taint of profit should attach to its 
scheme — that it should have but the one purpose of advancing the 
interests of the students. 

To that end it proposed that the Inland Printer School sell 
the instruction for approximately cost price. The union on its 
part undertook to do all the advertising and to give a rebate 
of $5 to each student who pursued the course to the end with 
ordinary diligence and intelligence. This was acceded to by the 
school company, and the price of the course was set at $20, which in- 
cludes outfit, etc., valued at $5, and the right of a student to seek 
advice from the experts of the school on any technical problem that 
may arise while he remains at the trade. The union looks on this 



Trade Teaching by Typographical U)iion i8i 

as a contribution to trade efficiency, and the only restriction imposed 
is that students shall be compositors, the course being open to ap- 
prentice or journeyman, unionist or non-unionist. In this shape the 
scheme was presented to the craft. Many local unions supple- 
mented the work of the International Union by incurring expense 
in promoting the course, and adding a bonus to the rebate granted 
by the parent organization, while some at present offer special in- 
ducements to apprentices within their jurisdiction. Though em- 
ployers concede the undertaking to be a magnificent effort to meet 
a pressing need, few of them as yet have done anything to aid in 
spreading a knowledge of the course. This is especially noticeable 
in the case of some employers who are known for their loud lamen- 
tations about the dearth of capable workmen. 

The system is known as the International Typographical Union 
Course in Printing, and six months after its inception has about 400 
pupils enrolled, including some of the most expert craftsmen on this 
continent and a few from the British Isles and Australia. The 
unanimous verdict of the students is that the course possesses all 
the merit and value claimed for it. One who is known the world 
over for the excellence of his work and the quality of his. essays on 
typography, declares it to be of the best and cheapest information 
he ever secured. Another student— the highest-paid compositor in 
his home city — says he learned more about some phases of craft 
work in two months than he had acquired in sixteen years in the 
office. 

The methods of instruction pursued are responsible for this. 
The aim of the course is to teach the principles underlying good 
typography. On the theory that the real tools of the decorative 
printer are letters, the student is required to do freehand lettering. 
This has some commercial value, for there is a steadily growing 
demand for hand-lettering in high-class printing. These lessons 
are in the course for their cultural value, however. The best man- 
ner of knowing the beauty and forcefulness of letters is to make 
them. When the student has acquired that knowledge he finds it a 
great help in using letters most effectively, which is the object of his 
craft. Many compositors objected that they could not do what is 
technically known as lettering, as when at school they had never had 
an aptitude for drawing. They are told that lettering is not art 
but craftsmanship, and that any one who can write can learn 



The Annals of the ^Inieriean Aeacieniy 



182 



to letter. In this and other ways they are encouraged, and after 
perseverance they make progress at a rate that amazes them 
and at first astonished the instructors. The commission had the 
work of students examined critically by instructors of the Art 
Institute of Chicago. Their report was that the class of printers 
made more rapid and satisfactory progress than did art classes. 
This unexpected proficiency was ascribed to several causes. The 
most rational explanation is that itrinters, having been dealing 
with letters all their mature days had acquired a wealth of sub-con- 
scious knowledge concerning them which flowered and found ex- 
])ression as soon as they became acquainted with the tools of the 
letterer. The course does not impart ne-\v wisdom so much as it 
shows students a way to use talents they already possess, but of the 
possession of which they are ignorant. 

The same is true of the principles of design. The successful 
compositor has been expounding those principles unconsciously, 
d'he average worker at the case — the man who sometimes does ex- 
ceedingly well and on other occasions fails miserably — gets on or 
off the track of true art principles by accident, and in his ignorance 
wonders why he cannot “hit it off” on every job. The course show's 
these men of varying degrees of native ability as well as those wdth- 
out any artistic sense the laws that govern good typography. After 
following the lessons they know' thoroughly w'hat is meant by pro- 
portion, shape, harmony, balance and measure. They not only 
learn how to do their w’ork correctly but wh\ it is correct. Seized 
of this information, the compositor reduces the cost of production 
materially and adds immeasurably to the art value of his product, 
wdiich ultimately means more printing, better prices and higher 
wages. 

At present the hand of the designer is seen in much printing. 
Usually he is an outsider who know'S little of the limitations 
that beset the worker in type metal. Intent on developing the artistic 
side of his design, he in his ignorance often sets the compositor 
impossible problems to solve. This results in loss in rearranging 
the design or a botched job, which is wasteful and injurious to the 
craft. Where the designing and composition are co-ordinated in one 
person these wasteful conflicts are obviated. Where the worker has 
a thorough understanding of the design and a sympathy wdth it 
from beginning to end more desirable results are sure to be attained. 



Trade Teaching by Typographical Union 183 

With even advanced and progressive compositors color harmony is 
often regarded as a matter of taste. The course treats this subject 
in a scientific manner, and at the conclusion of this group of lessons 
the student, besides absorbing much other information, has made 
a chart which is an accurate authority on the harmonies, contrasts 
and complements of all the colors used in printing. 

After a thorough drilling in these underlying principles, stu- 
dents are required to expound them by actual work in all the prin- 
cipal varieties of display composition, such as title pages, letter- 
heads, business cards of all kinds, advertisements, etc., under the 
supervision of the instructors. 

The new features in typographical education embraced in the 
course are what the art schools have which can be utilized by com- 
positors. Though these lessons are written by printers for printers, 
and contain a valuable education in themselves, the great benefit of 
the course is derived from the advice and criticism of the instruc- 
tion department. Under the arrangement between the Inland 
Printer School and the commission it is provided that the in- 
struction department must be kept at the highest point of efficiency. 
Circumstances may compel an increase in the tuition fee or the union 
may be required to spend more money, but the instruction must be 
the best possible. In furtherance of this desire, an earnest effort 
is made to get close to the students. They are requested to keep 
pads at their elbows and jot down anything which seems to inter- 
fere with their progress as students or in the workroom. Any stu- 
dent forwarding one of these slips is sure of promptly receiving the 
best advice which the instructors can give. Each exercise sheet sent 
in by a student is gone over carefully and in detail by an instructor, 
who indicates the faults in a colored pencil. The sheet is then re- 
turned to the student, together with a letter of advice showing why 
the student was at fault and how to correct the blemish. No pains 
or expense are spared to help the backward student— he is the espe- 
cial care of the commission. Illustrative of this, I cite the case of 
one “slow’’ student who received a letter which, if paid for at the 
rates ruling with the technical press would have cost $10. The re- 
cipient thought it worth many times that amount. 

The International Typographical Union is recognized among 
economists as the typical American labor organization. It has been 
included in the general denunciation of trade unions for being op- 



184 



The Annals of the American Academy 



posed to technical education. Frankly, it is opposed to many of 
the schemes being fostered under the cloak of trade education. It 
is opposed to educational efforts that are more intent on making 
money for their promoters than on benefiting the scholars. It is also 
opposed to schools that graduate inferior workmen, as its members 
know the fate of such unfortunates, and those who induce men to go 
into the industrial battle poorly equipped not merely wreck human 
lives hut swell the ranks of criminals. 

The typographical union also holds it to be folly to erect 
special machinery to entice men or boys to take up trades that 
are already overcrowded. The usual and natural avenues of 
the trade open the way for a sufficiency of beginners. Some em- 
ployers want to see hosts of unemployed at all times, so that the 
grinding of the faces of the poor may be made easier. Of 
course the unions are opposed to that, as are all those who de- 
light in seeing the relative standard of living of the mas.=es main- 
tained and improved. In short, the union contends— and it knows — 
that there is no dearth of mechanics and artisans, but the great army 
of them are not as skilful as is desirable. This is not their fault, 
nor that of employers, but of industrialism. In helping these to 
better things, the union believes it is subserving the interests of the 
individual, the craft and society, and that is why the union printers 
of the United States and Canada are spending approximately $15,000 
a year to advance the interests of supplemental trade education. It 
is admitted that exceptionally apt persons manage to achieve success 
under existing apprenticeship systems. But the world is not made 
up of exceptional people, and the industry would fail utterly if only 
the naturally fitted were to enroll among its followers. Therefore, 
trade educational schemes should be developed with the idea of aid- 
ing the average man, who seems to be an object of scorn in some 
quarters. But the union’s commission believes that what helps him 
will result in the greatest good to society. It may be profitable to a 
few to have the land swarming with half-baked mechanics, but it is 
neither patriotic nor humane. 



THE POSITION OF LABOR UNIONS REGARDING 
INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION 



By John Golden, 

President United Textile Workers of America, Fall River, Mass. 



The impression seems to prevail in many quarters that organ- 
ized labor, as represented by the labor unions, is opposed to the 
movement for higher education along industrial lines. It is my 
purpose to show that such is not the case by any means, but that 
the labor unions in very many instances have lent their aid and moral 
support to this movement. 

I am frank enough to admit that organized labor has on some 
occasions opposed the so-called “trade school,” when these schools 
were run with no other object in view but to reap profit from those 
whom they were supposed to teach. Another potent reason why 
this kind of school was looked upon with disfavor by the trade 
unionist was because the pupils who had been taught, or were 
being taught, in such institutions were used against the unions when 
they became involved in a dispute with the employers. Under sim- 
ilar conditions the labor unions always will oppose such a move- 
ment. Why, I ask, should they not do so? A skilled trade in the 
hands of any workman is the most valuable asset he possesses. It is 
from that source he must build up a home for himself and his wife, 
and upon that he solely depends to feed, clothe and educate his 
little children. Why, I ask, should he not jealously guard what is 
perhaps the only valuable asset he can ever hope to own in this 
world ? But when this attitude of the organized working man is con- 
strued so as to mean that he is opposed to the whole movement of 
industrial education, then society does him an injustice. 

I had the honor to serve on a commission appointed by Gover- 
nor William L. Douglas, of Massachusetts, about four years ago, to 
investigate the needs of industrial education in Massachusetts. We 
held public hearings in every city of any size in the state. Men and 
women in all walks of life gave their views and opinions on the sub- 
ject. Among those testifying was every labor man of any note hold- 
ing an official position. In every instance we found that, while these 

(185) 



i86 The Annals of the American Academy 

men were opposed to the trade schools which were run for com- 
mercial profit, they were all in favor of opening up better facilities 
for acquiring industrial and technical education, and in many in- 
stances offered their services in promoting the movement. 

While I was satisfied that we had wiped out this misapprehension 
as to the attitude of organized labor in IMassachusetts, I know it ex- 
isted more or less in many other parts of the country. Consequently, 

I determined to bring the matter before the convention of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor. In the meantime I suggested to the 
National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education that they 
select a representative to attend the convention and expound the prin- 
ciples upon which the above named society was founded. i\Ir. C. R. 
Richards, of New York, was appointed. He made a splendid address, 
which was listened to very attentively by the delegates present, nearlv 
four hundred in number. 

The committee on education discussed my resolution and 
made the following report ; “After an exhaustive, impartial dis- 
cussion, your committee decided to record itself in favor of the 
best opportunities for the most complete industrial and tech- 
nical education obtainable for prospective applicants for admission 
into the skilled crafts of this country, particularly as to the full 
possibilities of such crafts, to the end that such applicants be fitted, 
not only for all usual requirements, but also for the highest super- 
visory duties, responsibilities, and rewards. And your committee 
recommends that the executive council give this subject its early and 
deep consideration, examining established and proposed industrial 
school system, so that it may be in a position to inform the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor what, in the council’s opinion, would be the 
wisest course for organized labor to pursue in connection therewith.” 
The report of the committee was unanimously concurred in. I 
would like to ask whether this looks like antagonism to the indus- 
trial educational movement. 

We have three splendid textile schools in Massachusetts, located 
in Lowell, New Bedford and Fall River, which have been in opera- 
tion for many years. They are supported partly by the state and 
partly by the municipality in which they are situated. Several of 
lhe officials of the textile unions in each city are members of the 
board of management, and have done their share in making these 
schools a success. While I could give many more examples of the 



Labor Unions a)id Industrial Education 187 

same kind as to tlie fallacy of believing that the labor unions are 
opposed to industrial education, I think the above ought to suffice. 

In conclusion, let me say that in my opinion the position of 
organized labor should be clearly defined upon this subject. I shall 
at all times, so far as I am individually concerned, oppose the trade 
school which attempts to turn out a full-fledged bricklayer, car- 
penter or machinist, in a few months time and for a certain 
price. It will not alone lower the standard of any industry, but 
is detrimental to the boy’s own interest. He who is given such 
an education, making of him a “half-baked” journeyman, as it were, 
by a process which converts the school into what is commonly known 
as a “scab hatchery” is not a needed acquisition to the ranks of labor. 
On the other hand, I shall always be glad to co-operate in any move- 
ment which tends to place our industries on a higher plane, to open 
up better and more opportunities for your boy and my boy to acquire 
an industrial and technical education which will enable him to flght 
life’s battles better equipped than we were. In such a movement 
I feel safe in saying organized labor is with you heart and soul. 







' <!> 







BOOK DEPART^IENT 



UNSIGNED NOTES 

Bacon, E. M. English Voyages of Adventure and Discovery. Pp. 401. New 
York : Scribner’s Sons, igo8. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Bailey, L. H. The State and the Farmer. Pp. 177. Price, $1.25. New York: 
iMacmillan Company, igo8. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Baldwin, C. W. Geography of the Hawaiian Islands. Pp. 128. Price, 60 
cents. .New York: American Book Company, igo8. 

For the first time a real text on the geography of our important mid-Pacific 
islands is made available in a form adaptable to ordinary teaching purposes. 
The subject is treated topically, as in the usual geography, taking first the 
important aspects of the whole group and then the individual islands sepa- 
rately. For each island are given the physical features in considerable detail, 
the industries and the economic development in general. Well selected illus- 
trations of typical features aid materially in supplementing the text. 

The author might very easily have emphasized the importance of the 
Hawaiian group by a page or two devoted to their position at the “cross- 
roads of the Pacific,” a topic which is of far more real worth than some of the 
unnecessary detail concerning volcanic activities and lava flows. 

The best part of the volume is to be found in the truly excellent relief 
maps of the important islands. As a supplementary reader it should prove 
a valuable aid in geography for lower schools ; it also offers a handy little 
reference volume for the ordinary individual. 

Baldwin, W. A. Industrial-Social Education. Pp. 147. Price, $1.50. 

Springfield, Mass. : Milton Bradley Company, igoy. 

Mr. William A. Baldwin, the author of “Industrial-Social Education," 
is the principal of the State Normal School at Hyannis, Massachusetts. 
He began his work there by a thorough study of the life and needs of the 
community. The village school of two hundred pupils is used for observa- 
tion of methods and for practice teaching. Mr. Baldwin is imbued with the 
idea that every pupil should have the benefit of his own personal e.xperience, 
in making something he thinks worth while, if he would become efficient 
in the world about him. Active life, therefore, is provided in the school. 
.\t three o’clock daily, the class-rooms are transformed into busy workshops, 
where each child is making something. 

“Industrial-Social Education” is the story of a movement which has 
been a gradual growth. It gives the underlying principles of selection, the 
kind of activities which, while adapted to Hyannis, are suggestive for the 
public schools of the state. Finally, the teachers of the different grades tell 

(189) 



190 



I'hc Annals of the American Academy 



how they do the work. Interesting and helpful illustrations accompany the 
text. The book is full of enthusiasm and common-sense. It tells of achieve- 
ment and improved homes and lives. It is sent out with the hope that it 
may encourage those who are also striving to bring more abundant life into 
schools and homes. While each community must still study and solve its 
own problems, all teachers will be helped by considering the way useful 
activities indoors and out were made fundamental in the school life of 
Hyannis. 

Bazaine, M. La Intcrvcncion Francesa cn Mexico Segun el Archivo. Pp. 
269. Mexico : Ch. Bouret, igo8. 

Beer, G. L. The Origitis of the British Colonial System, 1578-1660. Pp. 

\iii, 438. Price, $3.00. New York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Beveridge, A. J. Americans of To-day and To-morrozv. Pp. 133. Price, 50 
cents. Philadelphia ; Henry Altemus Company, 1908. 

An exposition of American traits, an impartial examination of both sides of 
the shield of American character. This is the aim of a man in public life 
who looks with critical but kindly eye upon American life and progress. His 
purpose is to arouse the latent and misdirected energies in our national makeup 
by holding up the mirror of outside criticism that we may see ourselves as 
others see us. 

Bowie, A. J., Jr. Practical Irrigation. Pp. 232. New York: McGraw Pub- 
lishing Co., 1908. 

The extent of irrigation development in this country has long called for a 
practical volume to serve not only as a manual for the irrigationist himself, but 
also as a guide to the layman investing his capital in irrigation projects. The 
all-important financial aspect of the question is here kept prominently in the 
foreground, while the author discusses in simple terms the various methods 
and devices -which are most suitable under different conditions. 

The author has done a good service in laying bare this plain dollars-and- 
cents side of a great question, at the same time proving conclusively that the 
right system adopted at the start means many more acres irrigated with a given 
amount of water. The book sheds much light on the best possible means of 
conserving the precious supplies of w'ater in districts where every gallon 
has its value. 

Brooks, J. G. As Others See Us. Pp. 365. Price, $1.75. New York: 
Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Bullock, C. J. Introduction to the Study of Economics. Pp. 619. Price, 
$1.28. New York: Silver, Burdett & Company, 1908. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. Tzventy-sixth Annual Report of, 1904-05. 

Pp. xxxi, 512. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1908. 

The bulk of this volume is made up of two excellent papers. Mr. Frank 
Russell contributes a long account of the Pima Indians of the far southwest, 
while Mr. John R. Scranton tells of the “social condition, beliefs and linguistic 



# 



Book De I'urtmcnt 



19T 

relationship of the Tlingit Indians.” These monographs arc well illustrated, 
some of the colored plates presenting the facial paintings of the Tlingits 
being of special interest. 

Callahan, J. M. The Alaska Purchase and Amcrico-Canadian Relations. Pp. 
45. Price, 50 cents. Morgantown : West Virginia University, 1908. 

Campbell, H. W. Campbell's igop Soil Culture Manual. Pp. 320. Price, 
$2.50. Lincoln, Neh. : Published by the Author. 

Carlton, F. T. Education and Industrial Evolution. Pp. 320. Price, $1.25. 

New York: The iMacmillan Company, 1908. 

Dr. Carlton writes as a man with a message. His theme, dealing with so 
vital a topic, is timely. Part I discusses “The jModern Educational Problem” 
and Part II “Actual or Proposed Additions to the Educational System.” 
The author points out the fact that education to-day is greatly in need of 
“democratising” in order that it may become “an integral and vital part of the 
experience of every future efficient member of the community.” The book 
is permeated with the new social spirit that is abroad in the land to-day. 
The style is easy and forceful, the treatment broad minded, and constructive. 
Altogether, the book is of value to students of modern problems either in the 
field of education or of sociology. 

Carman, Bliss. The Making of Personality. Pp. 375. Boston: L. C. Page 
& Co., 1908. 

In this volume the author, who has been assisted by Mrs. Mary P. King, 
shows that in personal culture there are three realms to be considered : spirit, 
mind and body, and that therefore the making of personality “must depend on 
definite training in morality, intelligence and physique.” Each one of these 
topics is treated in such a forceful way, that the style of presentation is sure 
to hold the reader’s attention. 

Channing, E. A History of the United States. Vol. II. Pp. 614. Price, 
$2.50. New York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Chapman, S. J. U'ork and JVages. Part II — JVages and Employment. Pp. 

xxii, 494. Price, $4.00. New York: Longmans, Green & Company, 1908. 
This work is “designed to bring up-to-date” some previous publications of 
Lord Brassey. The book contains little that is original and is not written in 
an easy style. Its economics are taken almost exclusively from Marshall, and 
the theoretical arguments are based on the assumption that there is free 
competition in the labor market. 

The book deals 'at great length with the organization of labor in Great 
Britain, the United States. France and Germany, with the policy of labor 
unions, with the principles and methods of industrial peace, with unemploy- 
ment and with workingmen’s insurance and old-age pensions. These subjects 
are discussed in an encyclopedic fashion but the treatment throughout shows 
a lack of appreciation of the point of view of the worker. 

Coirard, L. La Familec Dans Ic Code Civil, 1804-1904. Pp 289 \ix ■ B 
Philip. 



192 



The Aiiiuils of the Ameriean Academy 



Cooke, F. H. The Commerce Clause of the Constitution. Pp. xcii, 302. 

Price, $4.50. New York: Baker, Voorhis & Co., 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Davis, C. H. S. Consumption, Its Prevention and Cure Without Medicine. 

Pp. 218. Price, $1.00. New York: E. B. Treat & Co., 1908. 

'I'his second enlarged edition of a little handbook will be welcomed by a 
large group of people who wish sane and simple suggestions in dealing with 
consumption. Questions of breathing, of diet, of climate, etc., are considered. 
A table giving the nutritive value of animal and vegetable food is appended 
together with a list of sanatoriums in the United States and Canada. 

Davis, G. B. The Elements of International Lazv. Pp. xxx, 673.. Price, 
$3.00. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1908. 

'Phis standard text now appears in a third edition which has added chapters 
and references bringing the subject down-to-date. The author's position as 
Judge Advocate General of the United States has given him exceptional 
opportunities for obtaining material on international law as it affects our own 
country. This results in this edition in the insertion of numerous citations 
of decided cases and in a very excellent discussion of the Hague conferences 
and their work. The Russo-Japanese war also furnishes its cpiota of pre- 
cedents. 

The author is optimistic as to what may be accomplished by arbitral 
tribunals. The net results of the peace conferences are in his belief much 
greater than the public generally has been led to believe. The texts of the 
several treaties and declarations adopted at the last Hague Conference 
are printed in full. Teachers of undergraduate classes will find this a valuable 
book, clear in statement and containing valuable references for wider reading. 

Day, C. M. Accounting Practice. Pp. viii, 318. Price, $6.00. New York: 
D. Appleton & Company, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Dondlinger, P. T. The Book of Wheat. Pp. xi, 369. Price, $2.00. New 
York: Orange Judd Co., 1908. 

The author, who signs himself as a former professor of mathematics in 
Fairmount College, has turned economist, as shown by his “Book of Wheat,” 
which he started out to make a reference book to cover the whole field of the 
wheat industry. In this he succeeds so well that it is not likely that the work 
will be attempted by another for a considerable time. Pie states that the book 
is the work of fifteen years of e.xperience in the wheat regions and much 
bibliographic work, and it is easy to believe this when we examine the hibilo'^- 
raphy of thirty-one pages of fine print, and note the wide scope of the book 
which not only covers well all phases of the present wheat industry and wheat 
question hut also gives very considerable attention to the historical aspects 
of each topic under consideration. 

It appears to be a thoroughly careful piece of work and written by a man 
who appreciates the economic factors as shown by the good arid accurate 
treatment given to such matters as crop rotation, fertility, fertilization and 



Book Department 



193 



especially the cost of production, which is very carefully and thoroughly 
analyzed. 

Tne chapters are: — -Wheat Grain and Plant, Improvement, Natural 
Environment, Cultivation, Harvesting, Yield and Cost of Production, Crop 
Rotation and Irrigation, Fertilizers, Diseases, Insect Enemies, Transporta- 
tion, Storage, Marketing, Prices, Milling, Consumption, Production and 
Movement. 

Sir William Crookes’ prophecy of the wheat shortage of 1931, he dis- 
misses as entirely unworthy of any serious consideration and gives adequate 
ground for this statement by pointing out many ways by which this grain 
may be increased to meet a large demand. 

Dorland, W. A. N. The Age of Mental Virility. Pp. 229. Price, $1.00. 
New York: Century Co., 1908. 

This is a book that will surely comfort the heart of any one over forty who 
has not yet achieved his magnum opus and so won the admiring plaudits of 
the nations. A number of carefully compiled tables gives a list of the world's 
greatest thinkers and workers — four hundred of them — and the age at which 
each accomplished the great work of his life. The average age then is found 
to be for astronomers and mathematicians fifty-six, for historians fifty-seven, 
for naturalists and jurists fift^^-eight, for statesmen fifty-two, for musical 
composers forty-eight, and the total average for all professions, including 
poets, philosophers, actors, novelists, as well as those already mentioned is 
found to be fifty, a sufficient refutation for those who would relegate “old men” 
to a non-active life. A significant instance of warriors active in old age is 
furnished by the recent Russo-Japanese War, the ages ranging from forty-six 
to sixty-three. 

Dutton, S. T., and Snedden, D. The Administration of Public Education 
in the United States. Pp. 601. New York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Earle, F. S. Southern Agriculture. Pp. 297. Price, $1.25. New York: 
Macmillan Co., 1908. 

This volume treats agriculture far more broadly than the title would indicate. 
The soil, its treatment and improvement is dealt with in a full and compre- 
hensive manner. A history of formation, and classification of soils is given. 
All the various processes of tillage with their respective tools are treated in 
detail, with an occasional reference to southern conditions. The material on 
the improvement of soil gives a brief summary of the knowledge concerning 
fertilizers and leguminous crops. Over one-half the book-space is given to 
individual discussions of crops grown in tbe south. This part of the subject is 
especially well handled. The book is w'ell illustrated. 

Ellis, Havelock. The Soul of Spain. Pp. viii, 420. Price, $2.00. Boston: 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1908. 

This collection of essays adds another volume to the already long list of 
excellent books interpreting Spain and Spanish life. The author is master 
of an excellent style and chooses for portrayal the most typical of Spanish 
characters and characteristics. A portion of the essays are critical — essays 



'94 



I Jic Annals of the Anicncan Aeadciny 



on Spanish art. Velasquez, etc. The larger number, and among them the best, 
give us an appreciation of such delightful subjects as the Seville Cathedral, 
the Spanish people, Montserrat and the gardens of Granada. The work is 
written from an intimate knowledge of present day Spain and shows also 
a familiarity with the results of historical research. Any one who has been 
in Spain or contemplates a visit there should read this book. It succeeds to a 
marked degree in giving “atmosphere” to the subjects discussed. 

Elwang, W. W. The Social Function of Religious Belief. Pp. 99. Price, 

$1.00. Columbia; University of Missouri, igo8. 

Ely, R. T. Outlines of Economics. Pp. xiii, 700. Price, $2.00. New York; 

The Macmillan Company, 1908. 

This book, analytically divided and paragraphed, is an enlarged revision of 
the earlier work by the same author to furnish a treatise for college and 
university use. For wealth of material and formality of method, the book is 
e.xcellent with the historical aspect of economic society carefully worked out 
and an interesting chapter devoted to the characteristics of the present 
economic system. Here various topics are discussed which ordinarily are 
included in the realms of other scientific literature. Professor Ely has clearly 
brought out the human side of economics and catalogues economics as a 
branch of sociology. The productivity theory is used as a means for approach- 
ing the discussion of supply and demand and not as an end in itself. He 
draws some interesting deductions in reference to the economic development 
of the United States regarding the change in public attitude towards public 
ownership as against public regulation and the elasticity of our constitutional 
law in regard to labor. The concepts of economic theory show careful 
analysis by the aid of diagrams and statistical figures, but a criticism might 
be made in regard to a too mathematical visualization of theory. Under the 
head of “The Relation of the State to Industry," we find “human welfare” 
to be the keynote for his general thesis, but just why Socialism is made a 
part of the economic activity of the state is not quite clear. 

The book as a whole represents a distinctly social attitude towards 
economic life. The importance of economic interpretation of history is 
clearly brought out, and the entire book emphasizes the importance of regard- 
ing economics as a practical guide for human activities. 

Fay, C. R. Co-operation at Home and Abroad. Pp. 403. Price, los. 6d. 

London : P. S. King & Son, 1908. 

The author has given us an exceedingly able and careful study of the 

co-operative movement in the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Denmark, 
Belgium, Switzerland and Italy. Without doubt it is the best piece of work 
ever published in this field of economic investigation. No attempt has 

been made to descrilie useless details of organization and management 

or to deal too minutely with matters of historical development. Conditions 

in each country have been analyzed for the purpose of determining ('ll 
the common factors of the co-operative movement, (2) why one form 
is more developed in one country than in another, (3I why in any country 
a given branch differs from another, and (4) what are the relations in any 



Book Deportment 



195 



country between the different branches. The author discusses co-operative 
banks, agricultural societies, workers’ societies (factories, etc.), and co-opera- 
tive stores. The material presented is remarkably complete considering the 
size of the volume. Passing reference only is made of co-operative insurance, 
building and friendly-societies. A short bibliography and a brief discussion 
of co-operative laws are added as appendices. 

Fisher, S. G. The Struggle for American Independence. Two volumes. Pp. 

xxi.x, 1159. Price, $4.00. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Company, 

1908. 

This is a treatment on an enlarged and better proportioned plan of the period 
covered by the author's ''True History of the American Revolution,” which 
was published in 1902.' The present work is not confined to military 
affairs, but devotes considerable space to the political events both prior to and 
during the war, as also the history of the foreign relations, concluding with 
a chapter on the “Effect of the Revolution on England's Colonial System." 

As in his earlier work, ]\Ir. Eisher challenges the accepted view of the 
Revolution and severely arraigns previous historians of the period for having 
ignored everything that would tend to discredit the patriot party and its 
cause. He asserts that previously there has been “no serious attempt to 
marshal all the original sources of information and reveal them to the reader." 
Such a sweeping criticism in his preface naturally arouses the hostility of the 
reader. This is, however, to a considerable extent, dispelled by the author's 
subsequent presentation of his subject. IMr. Eisher attempts to tell the other 
side of the story, or, in other words, to present sympathetically the point of 
view of the British government. He believes that the war was inevitable, 
being the outcome of the struggle between two opposing ideas, that of Colonial 
Empire on the one hand, and the desire for independence on the other, and not 
the result of arbitrary oppression. He devotes three hundred pages to the 
presentation of this view. In his treatment of the military events of the war 
he gives a better balanced account than in his earlier work, reducing the dis- 
cussion of the conduct of General Howe, for example, to its proper propor- 
tions. He points out clearly, as Professor "Van Tyne already had done, that 
the struggle was not only “a foreign war with England” but also “a civil war 
of the patriots and loyalists,” and presents in detail this latter phase of the 
contest. 

While the work will be found interesting, original and suggestive, and is 
evidently based upon conscientious research and study of contemporary 
material, the author is led by his zeal to controvert the orthodox view to 
appear at times in the role of. the special pleader rather than that of the 
open-minded impartial historian. 

Hanus, P. H. Beginnings in Industrial Education. Pp. 199. Price, $1.00. 

Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & Company, 1908. 

The author of this volume has collected a number of his addresses and 
articles, the first five of which bear rather directly upon the subject set forth 
in the title. The last three discussions deal with “Professional Preparation 



'See Ann.\ls, XXI, 464. 



ig6 



The Annals of the Ameriean Academy 



of High School Teachers,” “School Instruction in Religion” and “The Country 
School Master in Bavaria.” 

The most valuable contribution is made by the chapter on “The Industrial 
Continuation Schools of Munich.” 

Harrison, F. National and Social Problems. Pp. xxxi, 450. Price, $1.75. 
New York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Harrison, F. Realities and Ideals. Pp. xiii, 462. Price, $1.75. New York: 
Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Heineman, T. W. The Physical Basis of Civilisation. Pp. 241. Price, $1.25. 
Chicago : Forbes and Company, 1908. 

Hodgetts, E. A. B. The Court of Russia in the Nineteenth Century. 2 vols. 

Pp. xxiv, 615. Price, $6.00. New York: Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1908. 
Reserved for later notice. 

Hughes, H. C. The Philosophy of the Federal Constitution. Pp. 164. 

Price, $1.50. Washington: Neale Publishing Co., 1908. 

In analyzing the several provisions of our Constitution, the author has 
attempted a w'ork which would be useful in training school boys especially in 
a study of the provisions and even the language of the Constitution. Yet the 
book is probably far from being in the nature of a text-book. In analyzing 
the various provisions the author occasionally gives his opinion, rather than 
a philosophical treatment, which the title calls for, c. g. the location of 
sovereignty, and the clauses relating to our tariff. The style of the book as 
a whole is perhaps somewhat too stilted for its purpose. Moreover there 
is neither table of contents nor index to the volume, nor are references given 
in the text or in footnotes to aid the reader in getting at additional sources of 
information. 

Hunt, Caroline. Home Problems from a New Standpoint. Pp. 145. Price, 
$1.00. Boston : Whitcomb and Barrows, 1908. 

Johnson, C. Highivays and Byzeays of the Pacific Coast. Pp. xi, 323. New 
York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Jones, R. L. International Arbitration as a Substitute for War Betzveen 
Nations. Pp. 269. Price, 5s. St. Andrews, Scotland : University Press, 
d'he author was awarded the first of the five prizes offered upon this subject 
in 1907. by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the rector of the University of St. 
Andrews. He has sought, so he says, “to deal with arbitration in a new 
way,” and to present "an outline of a rigorous reconstruction of the evidence.” 
He deprecates in vigorous language at many points the “excessive senti- 
mentality of the proponents of international arbitration. He handles many 
of the writers on the subject without gloves: thus, he speaks of the work 
of Revon as “this long, laborious, insane waste of paper.” He believes that 
war has been and will continue to be the only means of settling certain differ- 
ences among states ; thus, “When tw'O nations are brought face to face : when 
the expansion of either, means injuring the other, and both are equally 



Book Department 



197 



determined to protect their trade interests and their markets, their political 
aims and ideals, then there remains but the sword to determine which shall 
go on. Arbitration can never decide these huge questions of progress and 
evolution.” After an examination of some of the instances of arbitration iu 
a manner decidedh- superficial, considering the point he seeks to make, he con- 
cludes ‘‘in no single case — with only one notable exception [.\labama Claims] 
— has the difference to be solved been in any way dangerous to the peace of the 
countries concerned.” The volume has neither a table of contents nor an 
index. Attached at the end is a four page list of the principal books on the 
subject. 

Kansas State Historical Society, Transactions of, igoy-8. Pp. 767. Topeka: 

State Printing Office, 1908. 

Keller, A. G. Coloni:;ation. Pp. .xii, 632. Price, $3.00. Boston: Ginn & Co., 

1908. 

This book is not a general treatise. It discusses colonial enterprises to which 
little attention is given in the ordinary collegiate courses on colonization. 'I'he 
first chapters are devoted to a discussion of the colonization of the ancients, 
then follow interesting accounts of the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and 
Scandinavian enterprises. The chief emphasis, as the names above indicate, 
is placed on the early modern period. The discussion of the monopoly systems 
is especially to be commended. The last two chapters are the most valuable 
contributions made by the book. They discuss present day German and 
Italian colonies. The author’s work abundantly bears testimony to the general 
unfortunate character of these ventures. 

Much of the material presented is available elsewhere. In the discussion 
of Spanish colonization, for example, there are but few references to other 
sources than the standard works of Bourne, Haebler, Colmeiro and Leroy- 
Beaulieu. For the average college student, however, the book fills a real 
need. It is readable and concise enough to be used as a valuable book for 
supplementary reading. 

Ladd, G. T. In Korea With Marquis Ito. Pp. x, 477. Price, $2.50. New 

York: Scribner’s Sons, 1908. 

McKenzie, F. A. The Tragedy of Korea. Pp. xii, 312. Price, $2.00. New 

York: E. P. Dutton & Co., igo8. 

These two writers represent the extremes of political opinion as to the posi- 
tion of Japan in Korea. Mr. Ladd can see only the beneficent results follow- 
ing the Japanese occupation. Korea has entered upon a period of economic 
progress such as she has never before known. The efficient Japanese are 
developing the resources of the country and bringing order out of the chaos of 
centuries. While the author does not fail to pass criticism on some of the 
acts of Japan, the general policy of the government receives hearty commenda- 
tion. 

Too much of the book is a narrative of personal experiences of no interest 
to the general reader, and at times it must be doubted whether the close 
connection of the writer with the Japanese authorities may not account for 



198 



The Annals of the American Academy 



his not seeing many things that have been only too evident to most observers. 
The general attitude in all the chapters is decidedly pro-Japanese. 

■\lr. McKenzie, as his title indicates, regards the Japanese occupation as 
an event nothing short of a national calamity. "I have to tell,” he says, “of 
the awakening and the destruction of a nation.” The general outline of 
his narrative he has already given us in chapters of his book “The Unveiled 
East." Korea, he believes, was just at the point of starting on a regeneration 
of import at least equal to that of Japan when rival international ambitions put 
an end to her independent existence. In the measures adopted by the 
Japanese the chief characteristic is the ruthless repression of all that formerly 
gave promise of the development of a national consciousness. This book, like 
that of Mr. Ladd, cannot escape the charge of being, in portions at least, an 
r.r I'artc argument. Of the two it is the more convincing. Out of the 
jumble of Korean politics enough well authenticated facts are drawm to show 
the arbitrary character of Japanese rule and the systematic violation of 
justice, if not by the government at least by its authorized agents. 

'I'he history of Korea for the last thirty years is a story of uniform 
incompetency and defeat. Corruption at home brought the intervention of 
powerful neighbors whose rule, whether for good or bad, now seems to be 
permanently established. 

Macdonald, William. Documentary Source Book of American History. Pp. 

616. Price, $1.75. New York: Macmillan Co., igo8. 

This series of documents is designed to meet the requirements of elementary 
classes in the history of the United States. It is composed of documents 
selected from the author's previous more e.xtended publications of “Select 
Charters," “Select Documents” and “Select Statutes,” which were designed 
chiefly for the use of classes in advanced work. The author’s thorough 
researches have enabled him to include here a selection of documents which 
will prove of exceptional value for use in the regular collegiate courses in 
American history. Unimportant clauses and formal provisions are omitted. 
Each document is preceded by a short discussion of the conditions under 
which it was first issued. 

Maitland, F. W. The C nnstitutional History of England. Pp. xxviii, 547. 

Price, $3.50. Cambridge: University Press, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Massey, W. F. Practical Panning. Pp. 323. Price, $1.50. New York: 
Outing Publishing Company. 

Miltoun, Francis. In the Land of Mosques and Minarets. Illustrated by 
Blanche McManus. Pp. 4.42. Price, $3.00. Boston : L. C. Page & Co., 
1908. 

'I'he author of this volume has written many books of travel and several 
works descriptive of cathedrals and castles. Mr. Miltoun’s latest book is as 
entertaining and pleasantly humorous as any he has produced. The author 
is a veteran traveler and consequently is thoroughly cosmopolitan in his 
appreciation and interpretation of the people, institutions, and customs of 



Book Department 



199 



the countries of North Africa. It is by no means easy to understand and 
correctly estimate a people so foreign to European standards in language, 
religion and social ideals as are the inhabitants of Algeria and Tunisia, but 
Mr. Miltoun has succeeded admirably. Indeed the only persons whom he 
subjects to ridicule or censure are the foreign tourists who frequent north 
African countries. The illustrations by Blanche iNIcManus are beautiful. 
They, together with the artistic effect of type and paper, make a book as 
attractive as the author has made it entertaining and instructive. 

Moore, The Passing of Morocco. Pp. 189. Price, $1.50. Boston: 

Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1908. 

This is a sketchy book of travel interesting to read, but telling very little 
about the political maneuvers which characterize the disappearance of this 
one of the last two independent countries of the African continent. Almost 
the entire book is taken up with discussions of the wretched conditions of 
certain towms in which the w^ar correspondent saw the horrors of the foreign 
invasion, and with personal anecdotes. Local color is given the book with 
considerable success. One sees vividly a small stretch of country and the 
hopelessness of the native resistance, but there is only incidental treatment 
of the larger aspect of the passing of Morocco. * 

Morris, H. C. History of Colonization. 2 vols. Pp. xxiv, 459. Price, $4,00. 

New York: Macmillan Co., 1908. 

These two volumes are a second reprinting of a treatise which first appeared in 
1900. The object of the study is to present a comprehensive review of colonial 
activity from the earliest times to the present day. The work is thoroughly 
scholarly in character. The sources used are the best available in each 
case, and the range of references shows a wide acquaintance with colonial 
literature. 

The first volume is devoted to ancient and medieval colonies, the latter 
one almost exclusively to English colonization in modern times. The main 
outlines of that movement as it affected America are already familiar to the 
average student of American history, but the survey of the settlements in 
Australia and Africa is especially useful. There is no other work which gives 
a general review so ably as this except Paul Leroy Beaulieu’s “Colonization 
Chez les Peuples Modernes.” These volumes are an excellent general back- 
ground for undergraduate courses in colonization. 

Nearing, S., and Watson, F. D. Economics. Pp. xii, 499. Price, $1.75. New 

York: The Macmillan Company, 1908. 

This new text-book on economics is an effort to set forth the various phases 
of economic thought in a clear and simple manner for use in the elementar\- 
class room. Little effort has been made to treat the subject from an historical 
standpoint ; but the prominent facts of present economic life are presented, 
the grouping of topics being somewhat different from those in the usual 
texts. Economic readjustments and the standard of living are discussed 
under the head of “Economic Life.” Land reclamation, the importance of 
inland commerce and forest preservation are touched upon in reference to 
the natural resources of the country; labor, industrial efficiency and business 



200 



The Annals of the American Academy 



organization are each considered in turn, and under the title of “Distribution” 
the theories of rent, interest, profit and wages are explained. In discussing 
“Economic Experiments” and “Economic Programs,” the open shop, injunc- 
tions and arbitration, government regulation, single tax, socialism and social 
work are treated. The chapters are short and concise. Topics for class 
investigation are inserted at the end of the chapters. 

Neve, Paul. La Philosophic dc Tainc, Essai Critique. Pp. xvi, 351. Paris: 

Victor Lecoffre, 1908. 

In this compact and thoughful little volume the author, after sketching the 
life of Taine, seeks to establish the thesis that Taine not only had very clear 
ideas on the philosophy of life, but that he sought to spread his ideas. 

He is described as a positivist who failed to carry his theoretic views 
into the practical affairs of life, for Taine’s action revealed his belief in 
the complete independence of the human will. The work is based mainly on the 
recently published correspondence by Taine (H. Tainc, Sa Jdc ct sa Corres- 
pondence. Paris, 1907), which throws a flood of light, not only on the subject 
under discussion but upon the many and often great problems in which 
Tainc was interested. 

O’Donnell, C. J. The Causes of Present Discontent in India. Pp. 120. 

Price, 2s. 6d. net. London : T. Fisher Unwin, 1908. 

By the many who have been looking for a straighforward exposition of con- 
ditions behind the scenes in India, this book will be gladly welcomed. That 
India has been in a serious state of unrest for some time has been common 
knowledge, but just where the trouble lay was not so easily found out. Now 
the whole skeleton is laid bare by an Indian official, who tells us that a variety 
of -causes have been at the root of the matter, but that the chief sources of 
ii ritation have been in the excessive taxation ; the partitioning of Bengal 
contrary to the desires of the Bengalis and against the mature advice of able 
counselors, and, perhaps most of all, the studied attitude of contempt toward 
the educated class of Indians. 

The startling facts presented in regard to taxation alone appear to a 
western mind amply sufficient to cause any amount of discontent — indeed, 
mere "discontent" seems entirely too mild to befit the conditions. To quote 
a sample : “Roundly, one-eighth part of the entire agricultural population of 
the Madras Province was sold out of house and land in little more than a 
decade. Not only were their farms brought to auction, but their poor personal 
belongings, everything but their clothes were sold to provide money for 
Imperial expenditure.” This was on top of the famine of 1878, when Madras 
lost 3,000,000 of its population by starvation. It must be a meek farmer indeed 
who is only “discontented" because he is annually mulcted of at least fifty 
per cent of his profits for a land tax alone! 

The hook deserves to be read carefully by everyone interested in colonial 
problems, stating as it does the way in which the British policy is really 
undermining its own power in India. 

Oliver, Thomas. Diseases of Occupation. Pp, xix, 427. Price, $3.00. New 

York: E. P. Dutton & Co., igo8. 

In America we have been so busy in exploiting natural wealth that the welfare 



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201 



of the worker has often been neglected. In the main we must still look to 
foreign authors for such studies as the present volume by Dr. Oliver. He 
writes, as he states, "from the legislative, social and medical points of view,” 
so the book interests a larger group than the medical fraternity alone. 

A wide field is covered. After one general chapter on the factors contrib- 
uting to industrial diseases and accident, the author discusses diseases due to 
gases, temperature, compressed air and reduced atmospheric pressure, chemical 
trades, e.xplosives, metallic poisons, dust, mining, electricity, micro-organisms, 
fatigue, as well as from such occupations as those of soldiers, sailors, fishers, 
etc. Evidence is constantly cited and many authorities quoted. 

Osborn, H. Economic Zoology. Pp. xv, 490. New York: IMacmillan 
Company, igo8. 

Overland, M. U. Classified Corl>oration Laivs of all the States. Pp. 508- 
Price, $4.00. New York: Ronald Press, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Person, Harlan S. Industrial Education. Pp. 86. Price, $1.00, net. Boston: 
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1908. 

This little volume is one of a number of essays awarded prizes by a com- 
mercial house of Chicago. It consists of a brief and general inquiry into the 
need of a system of industrial education in the United States, and a some- 
what more extended and even more general attempt to offer an outline of the 
needed “system.” As the author indicates in his preface, no more than a 
series of suggestions can be offered in so condensed a review, which deals 
by-the-way more with commerce than with industry — as these terms are 
commonly employed. Few exceptions will be taken to the general proposi- 
tions. These do not consider, however, any of the more pressing questions 
of organization which present themselves the moment the discussion is 
removed from the academic atmosphere of the university seminar to the 
keener air of school board room or manufacturer’s office. 

Phelan, R. V. The Financial History of Wisconsin. Pp. 293. Madison: 
University of Wisconsin, 1908. 

After a brief historical chapter, sketching the creation of the State of Wis- 
consin and the adjustment of its boundaries, the author outlines the financial 
provisions of the state constitution which was adopted at a time when adjacent 
states were suffering from the evils of speculation. It contains cautious 
restrictions on state indebtedness and provisions for “uniformity of taxation.” 
The constitution failed however to prevent local extravagance, and that evil 
remains, although improved by later constitutional amendment. 

The extravagance and corruption in managing state lands and trust 
funds intended for educational purposes are characteristic; and the inefficiency 
of financial administration, and the inequality and evasion of taxation are a 
sad, though typical, commentary on American financial methods. 

While the picture as a whole is rather dark, the general impression 
remains that Wisconsin has made much progress in policy and in adminis- 
tration. The rapid growth of corporation taxes, especially the ad valorem tax 



202 



The Aiiuals of the American Academy 



on public service corporations, is interesting and significant, and a recent 
judicial decision makes an inheritance tax constitutional. A movement of 
importance is the creation of a state tax commission with general super- 
vision of taxation throughout the state, and the author looks forward to per- 
manent assessors chosen under civil service rules. 

Reich, Emil. Foundations of Modern Europe. Second revised edition. Pp. 

vii, 250. Price, $1.50. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1908. 
This is a slightly revised edition of a scries of lectures which appeared in 1904. 
The chief characteristic of the book is its popular nature. The author, who is 
an Hungarian by birth, evidently has designed to administer a series of gent’e 
shocks to his English auditors and readers. Americans also come in for 
their share, when in the very first chapter they see Beaumarchais made and 
Lafayette demolished. Many conclusions and characterizations are just and 
interesting, but the striving for effect has led the author to make many sweep- 
ing statements to which few historians would subscribe. The lectures begin 
with the year 1756, taking up particularly the War of American Independence, 
the French Revolutionary and Napoleanic Era, and the unification of Italy 
and Germany. Fully one-third of the book is devoted to Napoleon, enthu- 
siastically depicting him as a military hero. 

Robinson, H. P. The Tzventicth Century American. Pp. xii, 463. Price, 
$1.75. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908. 

This book will rank among the best and most readable descriptions of Ameri- 
can society written by outsiders. The author has had the great advantage of 
many years’ residence in the country. His style is good. His judgments often 
shrewd and suggestive. In some chapters he has translated our terms into 
English — if the expression may be used — for the benefit of his English readers 
for whom he writes primarily. Naturally he objects to many of our conceits 
and evaluations. On the other hand he often emphasizes features neglected 
by us. The author firmly believes in the great future ahead of America 
and pleads that England and the Luiited States may come into closer and 
closer relations for the conservation of the world-peace and the development 
of mankind. 

Ross, E. A. Social Psychology. Pp. 372. Price, $1.50. New York: Mac- 
millan Company. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Rowe, L. S. Problems of City Government. Pp. 358. Price, $1.50. New 
York: D. Appleton & Co., 1908. 

The author has not restricted himself to the mere administrative details of 
organization, but has regarded his subject from the broader point of view, 
asking the question, “What is the work of the city, and is this work being 
w^ell done in American cities to-day?” Nor does he deal alone with statistical 
results in answering this question. The discussion includes in its scope such 
interesting aspects of the city as the social consequences of city growth, the 
political results, and the influence of the city on democratic ideals. In 
Chapter X, ‘‘The Relation of the City to Public Utilities,” Dr. Rowe discusses 
the central oroblem of the modern municipality. 



Book Department 



203 



In most cities the storm center of the discussion is the question of rates 
charged by public service corporations, and the action of the courts is usually 
invoked to permit rate regulation so that it is the judicial authority which in 
the last instance is relied on by both sides to the controversy for settlement. 
“The greatest difficulty that presents itself in the judicial determination of 
the reasonableness of rates is to do justice both to the public and to the stock- 
holder. If the courts accept the nominal capitalization of these companies, 
they often will be led to permit a higher charge than a fair return on the 
actual investment would require. On the other hand, if the actually invested 
capital of the enterprise be made the basis of calculation, a large number of 
innocent stockholders will find the value of their stock considerably reduced.” 
In this brief paragraph Dr. Rowe sums up the conditions existing in all the 
large cities of the United States to-day. He sympathizes with the movement 
for improved service and the desire of the masses of the people for lower 
charges. The book closes with chapters on “Street Railways in Germany,” 
and “Municipal Ownership and Operation: The Value of Foreign Experience.” 

Simmel, G. Sociologic. Pp. 775. Price, 12.15 m- Leipzig: Duncker and 
Humblot, 1908. 

Sinzheimer, H. Dcr Korporative Arbeitsnonnenvertag. Pp. 325. Price, 
7.60 marks. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1908. 

Part one of this treatise appeared in November, 1907. It dealt with the facts 
underlying the labor contract in modern industry. In part two the author 
analyzes the transformation of the labor contract from a one-sided relation 
of dependence to a legal relationship where both sides to the agreement 
assume reciprocal rights and obligations. The work is a welcome contribu- 
tion to the series of legal-economic studies which aim to throw light on the 
acquirement of legal rights by the industrial classes. As a study in the evolu- 
tion of law it illustrates von Ihering’s trenchant saying that “the idea of the 
law is an eternal Becoming but that which has Become must yield to the new 
Becoming.” 

Stanton, R. An Essay on the Distribution of Livelihood. Pp. 125. Price, 
$1.50. New York: C. 0 . Farwell, 1908. 

State and Local Taxation. Addresses and Proceeding of First National 
Conference under the auspices of the National Tax Association. Pp. 675. 
Price, $4.00 New York: Macmillan Company, 1908. 

Under the title of “State and Local Taxation” the National Tax Association 
has published the addresses and proceedings of its first national conference 
held at Columbus, Ohio, in November of 1907. The volume contains a 
record of the proceedings, and the forty-eight papers read at the conference. 

The book is valuable to the student of state and local ta.xation and of 
interest to the general reader. Such papers as Home Rule in Taxation, The 
Taxation of Inheritances, The Taxation of Income, Taxation of Public Service 
Corporations and the Single Tax will be appreciated. Among the contribu- 
tors to this volume are L. C. Powers, Chief Statistician of Bureau of the 
Census, Washington, D. C. ; Max West, Bureau of Corporations, Washing- 



204 



The Annals of the American Academy 



ton, D. C. ; Professors Charles J. Bullock, Davenport, Hollander, Seligman, 
Adams, Plehn, Huebner and others. 

Taylor, H. The Science of Jurisprudence. Pp. Ixv, 676. Price, $3.50. New 
York : Macmillan Company, igo8. 

Reserved for later notice. 

de Tocqueville, A. Democracy in America. 2 vols. Pp. xxix, 840. Price, 
$7.00. New York: The Colonial Press, 1908. 

This edition of de Tocqueville is in such attractive form that it cannot fail to 
prompt manj" to reread the pages with which they have already become 
familiar. The work can hardly be secured in a form more attractive than that 
of this edition. 

Thorpe, F. E, (Ed.). The History of North America. Vol. XX, Island 
Possessions of the United States by A. E. McKinley. Pp. 516. Philadel- 
phia ; George Barrie and Sons, 1908. 

This discussion of the ‘Island Possessions of the United States" is a brief 
historical-political discussion chiefly of recent conditions. Its general tone 
is favorable to the administration. A clear style and ability to choose the 
salient points in a situation make the book at once entertaining and informing. 
For the undergraduate student the work is a valuable summary of the 
Spanish War and our colonial experience. 

Those who look for a thorough study of our Island Possessions will be 
disappointed in this work. There are many points on which it is open to 
serious criticism. It seems disproportionate to devote fifty pages to Hawaii 
and give but sixty-seven to the Philippines. The military campaigns of the 
Spanish- American War are described in detail, but the treaty of peace, which 
certainly deserved full treatment in a book with this title, is summarily dis- 
missed with no adequate discussion of the questions raised. There are no 
maps to aid the reader in following the progress of the war or in locating 
the places mentioned throughout the book. 

But the chief criticism of the author must be upon his material. Official 
documents and the more easily accessible of the secondary works are evidently 
the author’s chief reliance. As an example, the monumental work of Blair 
and Robertson, ‘‘The Philippine Islands,” has apparently escaped the author’s 
notice, but John Foreman is characterized as “the author of the best general 
work upon the Philippines in the English language.” There are no bibli- 
ographies, discussions of authorities, or suggestions for wider reading. A 
thorough study of our colonies is yet to be written. 

There are numerous fine reproductions of photographs and several 
excellent plates of men prominent in the politics of the Spanish War. The 
last two hundred pages comprise the general inde.x of the series. 

C. L. J. 

Torlonia, C. Lc Dottrine Finanziarie di F. V. Duverger de Forbonnais. Pp. 
114. Rome: B. Lux, igo8. 

Vogt, P. L. The Sugar Refining Industry in the United States. Pp. 128. 

Price, $1.50. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 



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205 



Warner, A. G. American Charities. New edition, revised and enlarged by 
i\Irs. Mary R. Coolidge. Pp. xxi, 510. Price, $2.00. New York: T. Y. 
Crowell & Co., 1908. 

In 1894 the first edition of this book appeared. Some years ago Dr. Warner 
died. His spirit and book still live. It is remarkable that in all these years 
of active development of social work nothing has appeared to replace it. Yet 
much new information has been secured and many new methods instituted. 
For several years Mrs. Coolidge, a former pupil and co-worker of Dr. Warner, 
has been revising the work. Using the old basis, the new material is so 
interwoven that the book is practically new. It will be very useful to all 
students of social problems and should prove a valuable text-book. 

Webb, M. de P. India and the Empire. Pp. xvi, 198. Price, $1.20. New 
York : Longmans, Green & Co., 1908. 

This latest one of Mr. Webb's books dealing with India and Indian affairs is 
perhaps the most radical of all, sounding as it does a distinct note of warning 
about the future of the Empire and its component parts. The burden of the 
present discussion is in effect the perennial question of British Free Trade 
versus Preferential Tariffs. The author appears as an ardent supporter of 
the Chamberlain policy of preferential tariff as best calculated to promote the 
general welfare of the Empire. In fact he openly takes the stand that only 
by a system of preferential tariffs can Britain avert the inevitable fate of 
becoming a second or even third rate power, with the loss of its important 
colonial possessions. Whether he makes out his whole case depends largely 
on the personal leanings of the individual reader toward the tariff issue. 

Mr. Webb, both in his text and in the appendices, however, does demon- 
strate the importance of Indian trade and that so far as India alone is con- 
cerned her best interests would be materially promoted by the adoption of an 
imperial commercial policy. In analysing the tariff problems, the author was 
led into a very full survey of India’s commercial relations, a fact which gives 
the volume decidedly greater value as a book of general utility. 

White, A. B. The Making of the English Constitution. 449-1485. Pp. xxvii, 
410. Price, $2.00. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908. 

Reserved for later notice. 

Wilson, Woodrow. Constitutional Government in the United States. Pp. 

236. Price, $1.50. New York: Columbia University Press, 1908. 

These eight lectures delivered by President Wilson on the Blumenthal Foun- 
dation do not attempt to give a systematic discussion of the character and 
operation of our government. Special phases are chosen to illustrate its 
distinctive features, these are discussed from a fresh viewpoint. 

The first quarter of the book is devoted to a discussion of the character- 
istic features of a constitutional government and to the place of the United 
States in general constitutional development. Emphasis is laid upon the fact 
that our frame of government is the product of a gradual growth out of and 
away from English experience. The next hundred pages discuss the depart- 
ments of government. All the divisions are of a practical character designed 
to fulfil the ends of government in a businesslike manner. Future develop- 



2 o 6 The Annals of the Anieriean Acade)ny 

ments will doubtless emphasize this characteristic. The President will leave 
more and more of the detail work to subordinates, only attempting to outline 
the general course of executive action. The disappearance of debate in 
the House is looked upon as a natural development necessitated by our 
increasing governmental business. In such cases power must be delegated, 
and long discussions are not a boon in themselves. In the Senate, on the 
other hand, debate can and should be preserved ; the author thinks the adoption 
of a cloture rule for the upper house w^ould be unwise. The chief criticism to 
be passed on the courts is the need of greater expedition. In the trend of 
their decisions they have kept pace with the requirements of our changing 
civilization. The closing chapters treat of the changing importance of the 
central and the state governments and the w'orking of our party system. 
It is reassuring to see the optimism as to the future of constitutional govern- 
ment which pervades these discussions. No one can read them wdthout being 
influenced by their wholesome spirit. 

Winchevsky, M. Stories of the Struggle. Pp. 170. Chicago: C. H. Kerr 
and Company, 1908. 

Zueblin, Charles. The Religion of a Democrat. Pp. 192. Price, $1.00. 
New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1908. 

Under this title there is set forth in a stimulating style the question with 
which many tliinking people are seriously wrestling, namely, whether it is 
possible to accommodate democracy and religion even to the point of making 
them accordant. Many of the commonly accepted dogmas of both religion 
and democracy are critically examined but in such a spirit of manifest 
sincerity that the reader lays down the little volume wdth a feeling of admira- 
tion for the manly effort to fight the problem through to the end. One wdshes 
that the position taken, suggestive as it is, might have been more fully 
elaborated in numerous instances. 



SIGNED REVIEWS. 

Bentley, H. C. Corporate Finance and Accounting. Pp. xx, 525. Price, $4.00. 
New York: The Ronald Press, 1908. 

This publication dealing with the corporation, an object of present-day 
interest and in some cases public investigation, presents the subject in an 
entirely new and satisfactory manner. Mr. Bentley has largely confined him- 
self to a study of finance and accounting relative to corporations from the 
^■iewpoint of the treasurer, and succeeds in giving an excellent insight into 
the things concerning that officer. The legal status of the corporate officials 
and the board of directors, and especially the rights, obligations and duties of 
the treasurer, are treated at length, but there is nothing new or unusual 
presented, although the method of arrangement makes the book of value as 
a reference for such material. 

A large portion of the volume is devoted to corporation accounting and 
bookkeeping. The systems suggested are entirely modern and a great deal 



Book Department 



207 



of material is attractively offered in concise form which enables the reader to 
readily comprehend the point advanced without unnecessary delay or a 
struggle with technicalities discouraging to the layman. Some very excellent 
suggestions are made with reference to the uses of the books and accounts 
which are peculiar to corporations and the methods for handling entries 
pertaining to their organization, sale of securities, treasury stock and kindred 
matters. 

The balance of the w'ork is devoted to negotiable instruments, corporate 
finances and corporate securities. The study and treatment of the “Negotiable 
Instrument Law” is clear and comprehensive, and if read in conjunction with 
the law is helpful and instructive. The remaining subjects mentioned are 
well treated, although most of the material has been ably presented by other 
writers. 

W. K. Hardt. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Bierly, W. R. Police Power. Pp. xxviii, 338. Price, $3.50. Philadelphia: 

Rees Welsh & Co. 

The justification for a general work on the important subject of “Police Power,” 
hitherto so often chosen as the basis of a treatise, lies in the fact that many 
new laws have been enacted recently by congress and by the various state 
legislatures within the scope of this power. These new laws comprise among 
others the following: Railway Rate Regulation, Pure Food and Drugs, Po- 
table Water, Public Health, Order and bafety — iii general, laws restraining 
the corporate creatures of the state, laws curbing individuals in the exercise 
of their supposed private rights, and laws governing matters arising out of 
commercial and industrial relations. 

Mr. Bierly discusses in the conventional manner the legal and constitu- 
tional doctrines and limitations embraced in his work, drawing with not too 
great clearness the line of demarcation between the Federal and State domains. 
Those matters wFich properly come within the police power are marshalled 
under such chapter titles as : “Due Process of Law,” “Public Health and 
Safety,” “Monopolies in Restraint of Trade,” and “Railroads and Transpor- 
tation.” More than one-half of the printed book is given over to an 
afpendi.v in which among other matters appears an address by Hon. Jeremiah 
S. Black, delivered in 1883, the Interstate Commerce Law, the National 
Pure Food Law, and various State laws regarding potable waters, contagious 
diseases, meat inspection, two-cent fare, trusts, etc., etc. 

If much effort was expended in the collection of leading cases for use in 
the main part of the book the results are somewhat meagre. The arrange- 
ment of the quotations from the opinions of the various courts does the 
author credit, but there is no apparent effort to create anything, much less to 
prepare a careful treatise. In a production bearing so serious a title it is not 
the usual rule to pay compliments to individuals, yet the author with ill- 
concealed contempt pays his respects to the efficient efforts of the federal 
army to bring order out of the chaos of the Pullman car strike in Chicago, and 



2 o 8 The Annals of the American Academy 

gives to Ex-Governor Altgeld tlie whole credit of having brought to a happy 
termination the worst strike Chicago has ever experienced. Impartial history 
informs us that it was the President of the United States who acted with 
celerity and due firmness in this trying situation and not a vacillating governor. 
Criticism of the supreme court under some circumstances may be virtuous, 
under others it is reprehensible. The author makes of such an indirect 
criticism an occasion to pay a compliment to the socialist leader Eugene V. 
Debs. Such an end is not altogether calculated to justify the means to most 
readers. Other instances are not wanting where a proper degree of cleverness 
would have greatly increased the real value of the book. 

Had the author entitled his book “Police Power in the State of Pennsyl- 
vania," title, and subject matter, e.xternal to appendix, would not have been 
at variance. As it is the author has confined himself to the rulings of the 
supreme court of Pennsylvania to the marked e.xclusion of the rulings of 
equally competent courts in other jurisdictions. 

But with all its faults the book is a good book, w'ell suited to fit the 
tastes and necessities of one who is looking for many things in small compass. 

W.\RD \V. Pierson. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Cook, F. A. To the Top of the Continent. Pp. xxi, 321. Price, $2.50. 

New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1908. 

The appearance of Dr. Cook’s complete narrative of his conquest of Mt. 
McKinley arouses especial interest at the present time because of the general 
an.xiety concerning the author’s safety in the Arctic. Under the circumstances 
it is somewdiat amusing to read Dr. Cook’s confession that he took up moun- 
taineering as a sort of cure for the Arctic fever. The efficacy of the cure 
is indicated by the fact that he was already several months in the Arctic 
regions before the records of his mountaineering were oft the press. Many 
readers have become familiar with part of the story of Cook’s first attempt 
at Mt. McKinley through a series of rather undignified articles, contributed 
by a disgruntled companion to a popular magazine. Those readers will be 
gratified to have the present straighforward account and also will be pleased 
to note the entire absence of any personal animosity. Generously enough, 
Dr. Cook has only credit and praise whenever occasion arises to mention his 
comrades, but the average reader would undoubtedly appreciate a clearer 
statement of who these companions were and how it was that only one of 
them happened to be with the author when the coveted goal was reached. 

So far as the results of the expeditions are concerned, it can not be said 
that the two summers, in 1903 and 1906, were spent entirely in vain. The 
ascent of the mountain in itself, of course, has neither practical nor scientific 
value, but the preliminary exploration required in making the attack resulted 
in the collection of much general information about a previously little known 
section. A sketch map embodying the principal geographic data thus gathered 
is included in the present volume. A line on this map, denoting the author’s 
route, \vould have aided greatly in following his course of progress through 



Book Department 



209 



what becomes at times a perplexing maze of Alaskan Indian place names. 
The main scientific information contained in the volume, however, is included 
in the appendices by Alfred H. Brooks and Charles Sheldon. The former 
contributes a sketch of the geology in the Mt. McKinley region so far as it 
is known, and his article on railway routes in Alaska, which appeared origin- 
ally in the “National Geographic Alagazine.” Mr. Sheldon’s contributions 
are on the biological and ethnographic side from data collected by himself. 

The one marring feature of the whole story appears in the astonishingly 
cruel and needless abandonment of the worn-out horses, to whatever fate 
they might find in an Arctic winter on the frozen tundra. No criticism can 
be too severe in condemning without qualification of any kind such an inhuman 
course on the part of the explorer. With his success, his life in fact, dependent 
on the service of his pack animals, the explorer is commonly accustomed to 
show them every kindness possible. Dr. Cook pleads the poor excuse that 
no member of the party had the heart to kill animals which had served them 
so faithfully, but the universal verdict will be that a bullet bringing quiet 
death would have indicated a far greater degree of merciful kindness. 

Aside from this one unpleasant aspect of the narrative, the book as a 
whole makes decidedly interesting reading, at times affording powerfully 
impressive word pictures of the marvels of nature revealed to the party. 
Frequent excellent illustrations from photographs give some idea of the 
beauties of scenery, and also the difficulties of travel, which will be the reward 
of any following the same course. 

Few who read the book will be inclined to believe that the goal was worth 
the trouble, though all will admire the indomitable perseverance which attained 
“to the top of the continent.” 

W.vLTEK S. Tower. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Curtin, J. The Mongols. Pp. xxiv, 426. Price, $3.00. Boston: Little, Brown 

& Co., 1908. 

This posthumous volume from the pen of one of the leading students of 
Eastern history represents the fruits of years of patient labor, until death 
cut short a most notable career and removed one of the foremost of Ameri- 
can scholars. The greatest work of this great author was his study of the 
rise and decadence of the mighty Alongol Empire. The present volume brings 
the narrative to about the fifteenth century, when the founders of the Ming 
dynasty had finally driven the Mongol horde from China. Much of the volume 
is given over to a description of the campaigns and conquests made by 
Jinghis-Khan, and his successors, in China, Russia, Arabia, and Persia. The 
array of facts not readily accessible elsewhere, which the author has assembled 
and welded into a connected story of the barbarian empire, is truly remark- 
able, making the volume a valuable contribution to readable accounts of 
Russian and Chinese history. 

The most remarkable aspect of the book, however, is the fascination of 
the story found in the evolution of these wild herdsmen into the most terrible 



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Book Department 



211 



the fruit of an immense amount of research within easy reach of the student. 
Many of the authorities quoted are indeed beyond the reach of even those 
who have access to our best libraries. Elxcellent bibliographies accompanj" each 
chapter, large appendices give reprints of the more important documents and 
a large map is included. Mr. Ireland's volumes should give a deaded impetus 
to the study of colonial problems — a branch of politics still too much neglected 
in the United States. study of the excellent results achieved bj' others, 
and especially bt' the English in Burma, will cause many an -\mer;can to 
doubt whether after all a greater adoption of the methods of government 
proved by European experience might not be an advantage to our own tropical 
colonies. 

Chestes Lloyd Joxzs. 

I'nizcrsity of Peniisyk jnia. 



Lavisse. Ernest. Histoire de France dcpuls les Origines iusqit d la Revolu- 
tion. Tome Septieme. II., Louis XIV; La Religion, Les Lettres et les 
.A.rts. La Guerre. (1643-16S5.) Pp. 415. Paris: Hachette et Cie. 

This monumental history of France under the direction of il. Lavisse is 
alreadj- familiar to readers of The Axx.vls both through the original and 
through notices of the different volumes as they have appeared. The work 
on the medieval period was completed some time ago, and that on the modem 
field is now well under way. As the time for the appearance of the latter 
half of the histoiy approached some uneasiness was felt by scholars lest the 
high standard of merit of the earlier porrion mig'nt not be maintained. For 
M. Lavisse, as is well-known, is essentially a medievalist. That the volumes 
on the modem period have dispelled any anxiety on this score is now generally 
accepted. Indeed, the two volumes, especially the earlier one, on Louis XlT''s 
reign in 1685. may be said to attain to the best standard set by the work. 
Both are by INI. Lavisse himself, and they reflect not only painstaking research 
but the author's deep interest in the period whose broad, clear cut character- 
istics are peculiarly congenial to his type of mind. That kl. Lavisse's interest 
in the reign of the great king lies mainly in the field of the political and 
international history of the period, is evident from the various articles and 
studies he has published from time to time, and to this fact is doubtless due a 
less stTupathetic treatment of the psychological and instinitional topics which 
form the subject matter of most of the present volume. 

Lender the subject of religion, he takes up in the first part of the work 
(Bk. VI. I the development of the religious history of the period: Jansenism, 
GalUcanism and Protesfantism. Book is devoted to the intellectual move- 
ment under the suggestive title Le Gouz-erneinenf de rinfelUgence. in four 
ditisions, U Ad minisf ration IntellectueJle . Les Lettres. Les Arts, et Les 
Sciences. Book kUT deals with La Guerre, or as it is better expressed in 
t’^e body of the work. La Politique Exferieur. By way of conclusion there 
i« a fourth division fBook F\A. La Fin d'une Periode. which contains an 
admirable sur\-ey of the political history from 1661 to 16S5. by wav of intro- 
duction to an equally masterly sketch of the court and private life of the 
Grand Monarch. 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



To the student of economic and social history the volume is unsatis- 
factory. Nowhere are the lower classes of society and their conditions given 
due consideration. The author’s interest is in the upper crust of society, the 
brilliant court of the Roi Soldi, the literary and artistic life of the intcllectncls 
enlisted as satellites, and in the political and military movements as they 
emanate from Versailles. Even the treatment of the religious history' is 
mainly from the point of view of the court and the state, and, except in the 
case of the Huguenots, also pertains exclusively to the cultivated classes. 
It is true that in the earlier volume. Book III, Lc Gouvcrncmcnt Econoinique 
and Book V, Lc Goiiverncmcnt Sociale, are devoted to this phase of the 
subject, but they are inadequate. There is, underlying the conditions de- 
scribed with such care and detail in the present volume, a peculiar set of 
economic and social conditions which should be more in evidence. That the 
life of the middle and lower classes in the XVII. century is still comparatively 
little known has been urged in extenuation, but this is all the more reason 
why a book like this should give the subject special attention. Blow effec- 
tively the knowledge of this kind in our possession can be used, the author 
strikingly illustrates in the rare instances when he chooses to introduce it, 
as for example in his treatment of the hatred for the Bluguenots on page 41. 
“Les protestants etaient plus riches que les Catholiques. L'acces aux offices 
leur etait depuis longtemps difficile, ils s’employaient au commerce, aux 
manufactures, a la banque. * * * Au XVIIe siecle deja, on voit contri- 

buer a la haine Catholique la jalousie du pauvre contre le riche, du petit 
marchand contre le grand, du petit industriel contre le gros, de la terre 
contre I'argent." 

To those accustomed to the traditional views on the French Huguenots, 
M. Lavisse's attitude toward the Protestants will appear critical and severe. 
But he cannot be accused of being so without a basis in sound historic 
evidence. The author appears to have an overwhelming sense of the grandeur 
and the harmony of the French under Louis XIV and resents the factious 
elements which disturb it, over matters, “dont la connaissance, comme disait 
le Roi, n’etait luTessaire a personne pour le salut" ( p. ir). Exception has 
also been taken to the extreme degree in which the author ascribes to Colbert 
and the King a conscious policy for “la glorification du Roi, qui est seul 
louable." 

The style is vigorous and convincing, enlivened by telling phrases, and well 
adapted to the broad method of treatment in which Levisse is a master. 

Wm. E. Lingelb.-xch. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Miller, Kelly. Race Adjustment. Pp. 306. Price, $2.00. Washington: The 
Neale Publishing Company, 1908. 

This volume deserves wide notice. It is a collection of miscellaneous papers 
and addresses on various topics connected with the Negro. It makes no 
pretense at continuity of treatment nor have the repetitions been eliminated. 
The striking characteristic of the book is its poise and dignity. Professor 



Book Department 



213 



Miller is a well-known teacher at Howard University, Washington. He is 
frank in recognizing the weaknesses of his race and criticizes leaders and 
policies which do not approve themselves to him without reserve. In fairness 
in this respect he goes beyond any Negro writer I know. He is not sub- 
servient to the whites and demands the same fair treatment he accords them. 
Because of these qualities, coupled with the author's knowledge of the situa- 
tion, I consider the book one of the most important yet written by a Negro. 

The opening chapter on Radicals and Conservatives is one of the best 
expositions of the divergent development among Negroes I have seen. Few 
whites realize the significance of the Niagara Movement or understand the 
opposition to Booker Washington. To the rest this chapter is commended. 
"As to the Leopard's Spots” is an open letter to Mr. Thomas Dixon, while 
“The Appeal to Reason on the Race Problem” was written to Mr. John 
Temple Graves of Atlanta, after the riots. “The Negro’s Part in the Negro 
Problem” calls attention to the neglect of the Negro’s own position so often 
noticed in writings of whites. Other important chapters deal with “The 
City Negro;” “Surplus Negro Women,” etc. Some of the latter chapters are 
more literary in nature. 

The volume closes with a chapter on “Roosevelt and the Negro” which 
gains interest by comparison with a similar chapter in Mr. Stone’s book 
reviewed in this number. In this chapter alone it seems to me the author 
loses his balance and fails to understand at all the sigm’ficance of events. 
Here again we get the interpretation that the appointment of negro politicians 
to office has a racial, rather than an individual political, significance while 
every act of punishment involving Negroes seems to carry opprobrium to the 
race instead of being based on the acts of individuals. It is thus amusing to 
find Senator Foraker held up as the champion of the negroes and Roosevelt 
dethroned and hated by the race. 

The author’s style is good, though at times a bit rambling with some 
tendency to “fine writing.” 

Carl Kelsey. 

University of P ennsylvania. 



Montgomery, H. E. Vital American Problems. Pp. v, 384. New York: 

G. P. Putnam’s Sons, igo8. 

The author states that his book is “an attempt to solve the ‘Trust,’ ‘Labor’ and 
‘Negro’ problems.” This is rather an ambitious program for one man in one 
book and invites criticism easily avoided by a more modest statement. A 
priori the student expects from such a book only general statements and 
solutions usually proposed in terms of the ethics on which our society and 
our religion are supposedly based. This does not imply that the thoughts 
may not be well taken but that one hardly expects new light to be shed. 

The method is to state the problem briefly, then tell of the accompanying 
evils, Anally pointing out the solution. The trusts are first considered. They 
spring out of the desire to co-operate and are therefore valuable. The dangers 
are: capitalization in excess of real value; monopoly whether of natural 



214 



The Annals of the American Academy 



resources or because of the tariff. The question of control now arises. State 
control has proved to be futile, so we must look to the nation. The develop- 
ments which led to the Interstate Commerce Commission, the pure food laws, 
etc., are traced. The solution is found in national incorporation for all cor- 
porations doing interstate business, such corporations to be under the control 
of the Bureau of Corporations of the Department of Commerce and Labor. 
The incorporation ta.x should be one-tenth of one per cent of all stock issued. 
The liability of stockholders and directors to be carefully arranged, complete 
annual reports to be filed and the corporation carefully inspected annualh'. 
'I'he property of the corporation should be subject to local ta.xation. The 
expenses of the Bureau of Corporations to be met Ijy the incorporation tax, 
and a charge for inspection to he paid hy the corporations. Save in details 
this plan is often urged. The author states the case well and supports his 
arguments by many citations. 

Ten pages are giveti to the Freight Rate Problem. 'I'his, Mr. IMont- 
gomery believes, will be easily solved if the above suggestions are carried out. 

Some ninety pages are taken for the discussion of the question of Govern- 
ment Ownership. The author cites instance after instance where municipal 
ownership has proven a failure. In this policy Mr. Montgomery does not 
believe. Instead he would have a State Corporation Department having 
"absolute charge and complete control of its natural corporate children and 
over all the operations of its adopted children within its jurisdiction.” The 
charter tax is to be the same as for national incorporation property locally 
taxed and corporations regularly inspected. There should be also a graduated 
profit tax and a ten year averaging of same. 

Seventy pages are devoted to the "labor problem.” Inasmuch as labor 
organizations grow from the same conditions as the trusts and the public is 
injured because of the labor disputes, not to mention destruction of property, 
there should be compulsory arbitration. Trade agreements Mr. Montgomery 
does not think will be satisfactory in the long run. He advocates an "Indus- 
trial Court” with power to establish a minimum wage. 

The last topic is the “Negro Problem” to which over one hundred and fifty 
pages are given. This is the poorest section in the book. The author has 
plenty of ideas which are good. He shows, however, no intimate acquaint- 
ance witli the actual living conditions of the negro or with the best literature 
on the subject. His discussion is in general terms, education, justice, religion, 
etc., being emphasized. That education is necessary needs no argument. All 
will agree that the negro must be superior to his competitors if he is ulti- 
mately to survive.- No one now knows just what would be the result if 
immigrants from Europe should enter the South. The suffrage should not 
be taken from the Negro and the South must learn that this does not involve 
social equality. The national government should co-operate with local 
agencies to better the educational system. 

Carl Kelsey. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Book Deparinicnt 



Parmalee, Maurice. The Principles of Anthropology and Sociology in Their 

Relations to Criminal Procedure. Pp. 410. Price, $1.25. New York: 

The Macmillan Company, 1908. 

In new and better methods of dealing with criminals, America has perhaps 
led the world. On this side our literature is good — one needs only to recall 
the volumes of reports of the National Prison Association, Boies “Penology,” 
Wines' “Punishment and Reformation.” When it comes to studies of the 
criminal, the story is different. Not only has Europe taken the lead, but it 
has almost monopolized the field. American studies of the criminal are really 
hardly worthy of mention, even the best book on criminal law is only an adap- 
tation of an English text. Mr. Parmalee had a splendid chance and he has 
made good use of it. 

The volume is an exposition, not a first hand study of crime. After a 
brief introduction the author describes the use of the study of criminology, 
reviewing the work of Beccaria and outlining the theories and methods of 
the classical school. The breakdown of the old theories under the biological 
researches, particularly of the Italians, is then treated and an excellent synopsis 
of the studies of Lombroso, Ferri, et ai, is given. Mr. Parmalee believes 
that the old doctrine of freedom of the will is hopelessly destroyed. Opposi- 
tion to this doctrine is one of his hobbies, for he is continually — often need- 
lessly — referring to it. Each criminal must therefore be studied in the light 
of his physical development as well as social environment. 

So much solid matter is condensed in the volume that a mere skeleton 
of succeeding chapters must suffice. The account of the reaction of society 
against crime is followed by a history of the attempts of to-day to individualize 
punishment, as, for instance, indeterminate sentences. Criminal law is next 
considered. In applying this we have two methods of procedure : accusation 
and investigation. These are compared. The police as agents of the criminal 
law are described. The prosecution and defense is next taken up, this being 
followed by a long chapter, largely historical, on evidence. The jury system 
is then studied. That juries should judge only of facts, not of law, Mr. Par- 
malee thinks impossible. For many reasons he is skeptical about its value 
and is inclined to think that some more efficient agency must be found. 
American judges do not have satisfactory preparation, they understand law 
rather than men. They do not keep in touch with the men tried before them. 
If juries are abolished the power of the judges will become greater. 

The various suggestions for improvement of criminal procedure are 
gathered in the closing chapter. Evidence must be more carefully gotten 
and sifted. Courts will be more highly specialized ; appeals decreased. Sen- 
tences to be indeterminate, but subject to revision probably by a permanent 
board of revision. “When once the treatment of the criminal is governed 
by a knowledge of the forces which have caused him and his crime there will 
be good reason to hope that these causes will, in large part, be removed.” 

The title of the book seems needlessly cumbersome — for that I suspect the 
author is not to blame. The style is good, though at times a bit involved. 
The discussion is solid, the author’s viewpoint usually sane. Mr. Parmalee 



2i6 



The Aujials of the American Academy 



knows the literature, and footnote references abound. Unfortunately there 
is no index. This is a bad oversight for it limits the usefulness of the book 
as a text. Otherwise it would seem well adapted for this purpose. Mr. 
Parmalee is to be congratulated for having covered so large a field in a manner 
so satisfactory. 

Carl Kelsey. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Shillington, V. M., and Chapman, A. B. W. The Commercial Relations of 

England and Portugal. Pp. xxxii, 344. Price, $2.00. New York: E. P. 

Dutton & Co., 1908. 

The two essays united in this book were originally prepared as theses and 
presented to the University of London in fulfilment of the requirements for 
the degree of Doctor of Science. The importance of the subject and the 
absence of any previous general treatment fully justifies their presentation 
in their present form. The two parts of the book are of unequal length and 
of unequal value to the student, though this does not indicate any inferiority 
in Miss Shillington, who discusses the medieval period down to 1487. Lack of 
material has necessarily made her treatment of this portion rather sketchy, 
though she has brought to light some interesting information regarding the 
dangers and obstructions to foreign trade in the Middle x\ges, and the condi- 
tions under which the English merchants carried on their business in 
Portugal. 

The Modern period is treated by Miss Chapman in a somewhat easier 
narrative style than that employed by her collaborator and contains an excel- 
lent sketch of Anglo-Portuguese trade from 1487 down to 1807. Then, as in 
medieval times, the relations of the two countries were influenced as much by 
political as by commercial considerations. Rivalry first with Castile and later 
with the overshadowing power of the United Spanish monarchy compelled 
Portugal to seek foreign support, which it was equally the interest of England 
to furnish, so that, in spite of the commercial superiority of Portugal down to 
her absorption by Spain in 1580. English traders were granted privileges 
which gave them a position superior not only to other foreigners but even, 
in many respects, to the native merchants. It was not until near the middle 
of the eighteenth century that the Portuguese made any serious efforts to 
exchange their inferior position for one of commercial equality with England 
and then they found themselves seriously hampered by the various earlier 
treaties they had contracted. At last it seemed likely that England under the 
influence of the theories of Adam Smith would be induced to give up her 
favored position in Portugal, when the events of the French Revolution once 
more threw the weaker country under the domination of the stronger. With 
the close of the Napoleonic wars, the old commercial traditions were swept 
away and the relations of the two countries have been on a different footing 
since that time. 

For the student of American colonial history much light is thrown by this 
book on England’s commercial policy and the effects of colonial trade on her 
attitude toward other European countries. What made commerce with 



Book Department 



21J 



Portugal so valuable in the eyes of Englishmen was the large balance of trade 
in their favor. For a long period English exports to that country exceeded 
her imports in the ratio of three to one. The sugar trade and later the im- 
portation of cotton from Brazil disturbed this balance and when the North 
American colonies were lost, thus depriving England of colonial produce to 
exchange for Portuguese wine and Brazilian cotton, the balance of trade 
settled definitely the other way and even without the intervention of the 
French Revolution would soon have led to the readjustment of Anglo-Portu- 
guese relations. 

A. C. Howl.\nd. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Stone, A. H. Studies in the American Race Problem. Pp. xxii, 555. Price, 

$2.00. New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1908. 

In this volume are included three papers by Professor Walter F. Willcox, 
of Cornell, so in reality the book has two authors. Professor Willcox is one 
of our best statisticians and his studies are so well known that hare mention 
of them will here suffice. Negro Criminality, Census Statistics of the Negro 
and The Probable Increase of the Negro Race in the United States, are the 
titles, in all some ninety pages. It is an interesting sign of the times that 
two men, one from the North, the other from the South should thus co-oper- 
ate. Mr. Willcox has known the Negro through the medium of the written 
page — Mr. Stone by daily intercourse. 

Mr. Stone’s position is unusual. Since 1894, he has been a cotton planter 
in the Mississippi Delta. In recent years, leaving the bulk of the manage- 
ment to his partner, he has been doing research work. By years of contact 
with hundreds of Negro families he knows their strength and weakness as 
he only can who is in intimate association with any race. By years of con- 
stant reading of current literature published by Negroes he has come to know 
their attitude possibly better than any other white man in the country. Mr. 
Stone is often misunderstood by reason of the failure to recognize that his 
point of approach to the problem is that of a student. He is not a propagandist, 
pessimistic or optimistic. He has no solution to offer. He seeks merely 
the truth. Mr. Stone is very friendly to the Negro and his friendship 
compels him to utter some sharp criticisms. Men who see the same things 
often differ in their opinions. Mr. Stone may, nay must, at times be wrong 
in his estimates of the future. The important thing never to be forgotten is 
that he is a frank and honest student who has had peculiar facilities for 
gathering evidence. 

Some of the papers included in this volume have commanded general atten- 
tion ; others are here published for the first time. Those already known are 
“The Negro in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta,” read before the American Eco- 
nomic Association in 1901 ; “The Economic Future of the American Negro,” 
before the same body in 1905 ; “A Plantation Experiment,” from the “Quarterly 
Journal of Economics,” 1905 ; “The Mulatto Factor in the Race Problem,” 



2i8 



The Annals of the American Academy 



"Atlantic Monthly,” 1903; “Race Friction," read before the American Socio- 
logical Society, 1907. 

The new material in this volume consists of two lectures given at Cornell 
and the University of Michigan, which bear the titles “Race Problem Con- 
trasts and Parallels" and “The Foundations of Our Differences.” I'hese are 
historical in character and seek to interpret to Northern students existing 
conditions in the South. Mr. Stone finds his explanation of the difference 
not in terms of human nature but in varying conditions. These chapters 
form the Part I of the book under the caption “A General Survey.” Part II 
includes the economic studies above mentioned. Part III is called “Crucial 
Points of Post-bellum Racial Contact,” and includes the study of race 
friction, together with a very long chapter on “Mr. Roosevelt, the South and 
the Negro,” with another important chapter on “The Negro in Politics.” 
These last two chapters form the bulk of the new material presented, the first 
occupying 109 pages, the second 74. 

The chapter on “Mr. Roosevelt, the South and the Negro,” was written 
shortly after the trouble over the appointment of Crum in Charleston, S. C., 
and the Indianola postoffice affair, the latter occurring only a few miles from 
Mr. Stone’s home. Mr. Stone says that the North forgets the psychological 
effect of the reconstruction background. We have to do with people not fine 
principles. The “uncompromising,” “indiscriminating” color line is a most 
harmful inheritance. We have to do with an association of ideas. Instead 
of frankly recognizing that Negroes are appointed to office as rewards for 
political service it is stated that it is done to recognize the Negroes. As a 
result the Negroes of the country applaud, the Southern whites object. Mr. 
Stone's analysis of the attitude towards McKinley and Roosevelt is most 
suggestive. Fie feels that such appointments against the wish of the Southern 
whites really injure the Negro. In my opinion he is correct. Only by pro- 
moting real friendship between the groups which must live together will any 
progress come. 

Relative to politics the author says : “The capacity for self-government is 
not a grant of law, but a growth of the mind.” Mr. Stone shows that South 
Africa, Cuba, Flaiti, may well teach us some of the lessons we refuse to learn 
at home. He thinks no question other than of expediency is involved. 
“What the Negro needs just now is a political ‘rest cure.’ His daily litany 
should include a prayer to be let alone.” 

No one need accept Mr. Stone's conclusions. No honest man can fail 
to appreciate the importance of his arguments. In this collection of essays 
we have one of the best studies yet made of the problems growing out of 
the presence of blacks and whites in our country — and that a democracy. 

Carl Kelsey. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Tardieu, Andr6. France and the Alliances. Pp. x, 314. Price, $1.50. New 
York: IMacmillan Co., jgo8. 

This book is by an author who has been active in the political events he 
describes. The general theme is to review French foreign politics since 1871, 



Book Department 



219 



especiall}' those events which have led up to the readjustment of the balance 
of power in Europe — the signal accomplishment, so the author asserts, of the 
French diplomacy of the last decade. 

The Franco-German War left the German Empire in the center of the 
European stage. The influence of Bismarck and the peculiar domestic and 
colonial problems confronting the other countries gave the Germans the 
chief role till the opening of the twentieth century. Then partly as a result 
of the Franco-Russian Alliance, Germany began to adopt an overbearing 
policy which, in 1905-6, resulted in her taking the aggressive measures adopted 
in the Morocco controversy. This dispute at first seemed to be going in favor 
of Germany but the Russian alliance, the Italian and Spanish agreements as to 
the Mediterranean, the entente cordialc with England, the impartial support of 
the United States and the veiled sympathy of Italy turned the affair into a 
fiasco in which Germany suffered a decided loss of prestige. The various 
steps in this diplomacy are reviewed in detail. France, the author holds, 
has broken down the German hegemony and restored the balance of power 
in Europe. 

Two concluding chapters summarize the Eastern situation and the interests 
of France and the United States. The discussions of European politics are 
clear and accurate though there is occasionally a nationalistic tinge in the 
interpretations. Anyone who wishes to get a good summary of the compli- 
cated interrelations of European politics should read this book. 

Chester Lloyd Jones. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Thompson, J. A. Heredity. Pp. xvi, 605. Price, $3.50. New York: G. P. 

Putnam’s Sons, 1908. 

Last spring I wrote a review of this very important book. Unfortunately in 
some way this review was lost after it left my hands and the loss was unknown 
to me until recently. This, however, has given me a chance to use the book 
with several classes and with excellent results. The students have without 
exception found the volume interesting and clear. 

I write of the book from the standpoint of the social worker and do not 
attempt to judge of its merits on biological grounds alone. It is not so much 
a record of individual research as a most careful and detailed comparison and 
criticism of the work of modern biologists. Carefulness is indeed one of the 
book’s distinguishing features. No special theory is promulgated, though, 
of course, the author defines his own position. Every argument pro and eon 
is stated and weighed. The beginner may at times be embarrassed by the 
detailed discussions, but the style is so clear, the meaning so obvious, that the 
book becomes a model. The author is the well-known Regius Professor of 
Natural History in the University of Aberdeen, Scotland. 

After a chapter of definitions the author reviews the development of 
biological knowledge. Then the physical process of heredity is studied, cell 
life being treated at length. FTere as elsewhere the text is accompanied by 
excellent illustrations, many in colors. Variation, and the many explanations 



220 



The Annals of the American Academy 



thereof, is treated along with many disputed questions such as maternal 
impressions. Naturally the question of the transmission of acquired characters 
receives much attention and the author puts himself among those who believe 
they arc not transmitted. It should be noted that Prosessor Ihompson every- 
w'here separates the observed physical facts or processes from the theories 
advanced to account therefor. Late in the book, for instance one chapter 
is given to a history of the theories of heredity. 

Disease is studied in the light of the newer knowledge and the change 
caused by the discovery of specific causes of disease (germs) is noted. 
Account is also taken of the methods of studying inheritance, by statistics, by 
experiment. In the latter chapter the work of Mendel and his follow'ers, 
naturally receives much consideration. One of the author's earlier works, 
“The Evolution of Sex,’’ of which he was a joint author, is recalled by the 
chapter on “Heredity and Sex.” 

To the social worker the last chapter wdll make special appeal. Its title 
is “Social Aspects of Biological Results.” In this the author calls attention 
to the assistance biology can offer in solving certain social questions. The 
volume closes with a comprehensive bibliography and index. 

I can hardly recommend this book too highly, for it so clearly states 
what is and what is not known. Its tone is conservative and no w'ild state- 
ments are found. It should be in every library and every social student may 
read it with profit. 

Carl Kelsey. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Walling, W. E. Russia’s Message. Pp. xviii, 467. Price, $3.00. New 

York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1908. 

Russia’s Message is a profound study of the Russian Revolution. In thorough- 
ness of treatment, in mastery of detail, and in grasp of the many forces, — 
physical, economic, moral, political, — that go to make up the gigantic struggle 
of the Russian people against autocracy, it has hardly an equal among recent 
works on the subject by foreign observers. 

Owing to the important part which the land question has played in the 
Douma and in the country at large, a considerable part of the book is taken 
up with a description of the economic condition of the peasantry, special 
attention being given to the terms of the emancipation of 1861, and the effect 
it produced both upon the lot of the individual peasant and upon the economy 
of Russia’s most important single industry — agriculture. The style of pre- 
sentation is calculated to appeal to the general reader rather than the eco- 
nomic student, and the human element is kept to the fore. The description 
of the WTetched life of the half-starved peasantry cannot fail to appeal to 
any intelligent reader, whether economist or not. The recital of the cruelties 
practiced upon the peasants by the local government agents, among whom 
Premier Stolypin, at the time governor of the Province of Saratov, figures 
very prominently, is appalling, yet is supported by circumstantial details 
taken from official documents. 



Book Department 



221 



However, the author’s chief interest centers in the political struggle and 
the greater part of the book deals with the events and conditions connected 
with it. The author's appreciation of the magnitude and importance of the 
political transformation now taking place in Russia is best expressed in the 
following passage : 

“I saw Count Tolstoi just after the meeting of the first Douma, and told 
him I had come to spend several j'ears to observe the revolution. ‘You had 
better stay here fifty years,’ he answered. ‘The revolution is a drama of 
several acts. This Douma is not even the first act, but only the first scene 
of the first act, and as is usual with first scenes it is a trifle comic.’ ” 

Opening with a pen picture of the events of 1904-1907, he gives us in 
successive chapters a description of the Czar, the administrative machine 
through which he governs, his unofficial, yet far more dreaded direction of 
the sinister forces familiarly known as the Black Hundreds, and finally leads 
up to an acount of the late paper constitution and how it has worked out 
in practice. 

Part HI of the book, entitled “Revolt,” is devoted to the peasantry and, 
in addition to an account of their economic condition, deals with their polit- 
ical activity, affording a rare insight into the psychology of the Russian 
peasant, whom the outside world has been accustomed to regard as a dull, 
ignorant wretch, incapable of grappling with simple problems, let alone 
matters of statecraft. 

In Part IV — “Evolution of a New Nation” — the nobility, the professional 
elements, capitalists and employees, are seen organizing and playing a part 
in the national drama. We see them unite in a national organization, “The 
Union of Unions,” bring forth great leaders, wring concessions from the 
government, only to succumb to party differences which destroy the unity 
of the opposition and give the reactionaries a chance to close up their shat- 
tered ranks and one by one overcome the forces of progress. 

Part V, “Revolution and the Message,” gives in the concluding 120 pages 
of the book a review of the work of the revolutionary elements now carried 
on by them under the surface, calculated to prepare the nation for a more 
successful combat with the government when the national conflict once more 
reaches a critical stage. A particularly interesting chapter is “How the 
Priests are Becoming Revolutionists,” followed by chapter VI, “The Religious 
Revolution,” in which the deep moral and intellectual transformation of the 
peasantry is described. 

The author’s interest in the Russian Revolution is not so much on its 
own account as for the message it contains for his own country and the rest 
of the civilized world. The message in the author’s mind is that it is not a 
mere political revolution, but a social revolution aiming at the achievement 
of greater justice in the relations between the classes and not recoiling before 
most radical changes in the established forms of society. The Russian people 
in its overwhelming majority being still an agricultural nation, the owner- 
ship of land is the most vital problem, and the people as a whole, except the 
insignificant minority of 130.000 landlords owning the great estates, demand 
virtually the nationalization of land and the compulsory expropriation of the 



The Annals of the American Academy 



landlords. This demand profoundly dominates the entire movement and is 
responsible for the otherwise inexplicable universal popularity of socialism 
in the land of the Czar. 

“In developing the new idea of the laws of the growth of society, the 
Russian people are also reaching a new conception of all life, of all realms of 
human activity, even of science, art, and religion. For the conception of the 
law of social growth that prevails in any society itself, marks the whole 
psychical condition of that society. When this conception changes all other 
ideas change ; this is why Russia is leading, not only in social thinking and 
ideals, but in all the realms of spiritual life." Such is the spirit of Russia's 
message. 

With all his care as to the facts the author has not escaped some errors 
in which it is so easy for students not familiar with the language of the 
country to fall. A few instances may be mentioned. On page 154 we are 
informed that the Slavs were not worshippers of many gods before their 
conversion to Christianity ; the author's estimation of the vitality and stability 
of the Russian Commune (page 160 and elsewhere) is not borne out by 
investigations of authoritative Russian economists and statisticians. Biren, 
a powerful minister during the reign of Empress Ann, is reported executed 
under Peter the Great (page 193) who preceded her on the throne. Men- 
shikov, a favorite of Peter the Great, who commenced his career as a poor 
street-urchin, is made to appear to have suffered at the hands of Peter on 
account of his noble birth. The errors, however, are few and unimportant. 

A few important political documents which promise to become historical 
are added as appendices to the volume, which is made very attractive by 
numerous illustrations mostly taken from life by the author in his journeys 
which took him through every important part of the country from Siberia to 
the Black Sea. 

N. I. Stone. 

Washington, D. C. 



Ward, R. DeC. Climate: Considered Especially in Relation to Man. Pp. xvi, 

372. Price, $2.00. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908. 

The general tendency in all the human sciences at the present time is to 
place increasing emphasis on man's relation to the environment in which he 
lives. In the various factors which go to make up the purely physical part of 
man's surroundings, climate always has borne the closest relationship to 
human progress and prosperity. Though this fact has been clearly recognized 
for some time by many students of economic subjects, there has not been, 
heretofore, any single volume, or series of volumes, in fact, which presented 
in an adequate manner the significant relationships lietwecn climate and man. 
Abundant isolated items about climatic control have been included in tbe 
multitude of books of travel and exploration issued of late years, but to 
gather any correlated idea of the whole subject was impossible for the average 
individual and a task of long, patient note-taking for the teacher or student. 

The author of the present volume, therefore, enters a practically new field 



Book Department 



223 



and renders a double service by so doing. He gives to the public a book 
which it can read with interest and understanding, and to the teacher a hook 
which can be used with excellent results in the classroom. At the same time 
it is a book which represents the result of years of work by the foremost 
climatologist in this country. 

The general plan of the book is to consider first the types of climates and 
the characteristics of the zones, following this discussion by chapters 
covering the life of man in the different zones. This plan of topical treat- 
ment is materially conducive to ease of reading and understanding. An 
intermediate chapter on the hygiene of the zones and a concluding chapter 
on changes of climate complete the volume. The preliminary chapters are 
largely a synopsis of Hann’s work translated by the present author and 
explain, in terms intelligible to anyone, the way in which climatic conditions 
differ not only in different parts of the world, but also in different parts of 
the same zone. The concluding chapters consider man's relation to his 
climatic surroundings from the standpoint of his progress in civilization : 
his agriculture, arts, dwellings, clothing, customs, food, industries, trans- 
portation, and so on. The author makes no claim to presenting anything 
entirely new, but he can justly claim absolute originality in thus for the 
first time presenting a former heterogeneous mass of facts in an intelligible 
correlated whole. 

The one serious defect, or perhaps disappointment rather than a defect, 
in the volume is its failure to discuss the question of acclimatization of white 
men in the tropics, an important aspect of the subject which has been much 
discussed among scientific men, but which has not been presented to the 
reading public in a thorough, impartial manner. To this particular aspect 
of climate and its relation to man. Professor Ward has given a vast amount 
of careful study and consideration. It is truly regrettable that the lack of 
space has kept his circle of readers from having an opportunity to benefit from 
this study. With that exception the book is entirely satisfactory, readable 
and suggestive, ably maintaining tbe high standard of literary excellence and 
scholarly merit for which the Science Series has long been noted. 

W.^LTER S. Tower. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



Wright, H. M. A Handbook of the Philip(>ines. Pp. xvii, 431. Price, $1.40. 

Chicago : A. C. McClurg & Co. 

After the tremendous shower of magazine and controversial literature on 
the Philippines to which we were treated in the discussion period following 
our occupation, we have had several serious studies and, lastly, comes a care- 
fully prepared handbook which might almost be called the commercial geog- 
raphy of the Philippines. This very satisfactory and well-illustrated, but 
rather too enthusiastic book, is the result of much careful study of the recent 
literature as well as the personal experience and rather extended travels 
of the author in the Philippines. 

Rather less than one-half of the book deals formally with the people and 



224 Ainials of the American Academy 

an equal amount deals formally with the resources and industries of the 
country. 

The writer is much impressed with the tremendous possibilities of a 
land which is virtually unused and therefore uninhabited if the present pro- 
duction be compared to possible production. It is described as a land with 
an almost endless list of products, a climate favorable to production and a 
soil the like of which man has rarely met with in the occupation of the surface 
of the globe. This fertility is explained by the fact that much of the soil 
is volcanic deposit combined with alluvium. You somehow get the idea that 
it is practically all flooded annually. Hemp, sugar and tobacco, the great 
staples, are but in their infancy. “Sugar has been produced in the Philippines 
at from ,= ixty to ninety cents per one hundred pounds. It can doubtless when 
produced by modern methods be laid down in New York at a little over one 
cent per pound,” 

In his enthusiasm for the islands, the author is, however, so carried away 
by the unquestioned fertility of the soil and its possible products that he 
permits himself to make statements which practically imply the successful 
acclimatization of Americans, and we are led to infer that the labor is of a 
very satisfactory character, but in an occasional sentence such as the follow- 
ing there is a lapse into a more sound appreciation of the economic. “Owing 
to the fact that maguey ("the plant from which sisal fiber is derived) grows 
in the most unfertile regions where the people must work to live, adequate 
labor can be secured.” 

There is a quite general tendency in the book to confuse possibilities and 
probabilities. 

J. Russell Smith. 

University of Pennsylvania. 



LABOR AND WAGES 



THE ANNALS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ACADEMY 



OF 



POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 



ISSUED BI-MONTHLY 



VOL. XXXIII, No. 2 MARCH, 1909 



Editor: EMORY R. JOHNSON 
Assistant Editor: CHESTER LLOYD JONES 
Associate Editors: CARL KELSEY, L. S. ROWE. WALTER S. TOWER 
FRANK D. WATSON, JAMES T. YOUNG 



PHILADELPHIA 

American Academy of Political and Social Science 
36th and Woodland Avenue 
1909 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

EMPLOYMENT BUREAU FOR THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK 

CITY 1 

Edward T. Devine, Schiff Professor of Social Economy, Colum- 
bia University; General Secretary of the Charity Organiza- 
tion Society, New York City. 

THE FUTURE OF LABOR 15 

Andrew Carnegie, New York City. 

EMPLOYEES’ BENEFIT ASSOCIATION OF THE INTERNA- 
TIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY 22 

C. W. Price, Director, McCormick Works Club, Chicago. 

PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD PENSION DEPARTMENTS 34 

M. Riebenack, Comptroller, Pennsylvania Railroad Company, 
Philadelphia. 

THE LOGIC OF SOCIAL INSURANCE 41 

Charles Richmond Henderson, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of Sociol- 
ogy, University of Chicago. 

CONDITION OP LABOR IN SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS 54 

Lewis W. Parker, Treasurer, Monaghan Mills, Greenville, S. C. 

RECENT MASSACHUSETTS LABOR LEGISLATION 63 

F. Spencer Baldwin, Ph.D., Professor of Economics, Boston 
University. 

PAY OF LABOR IN NEW ENGLAND COTTON MILLS 77 

John Golden, President, United Textile Workers of America, 

Fall River, Mass. 

LABOR IN THE STEEL INDUSTRY 83 

John A. Fitch, Fellow, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 

LABOR CONDITIONS IN THE MINES OF THE PITTSBURGH 

DISTRICT 92 

W. M. Leiserson, Assistant in Political Economy, University 
of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 

WORK OF WOMEN IN THE MERCANTILE HOUSES OF PITTS- 
BURGH 102 

Elizabeth Beardsley Butler, New York City. 

(1I> 



Contents iii 

PAGE 

THE NEGRO MINE LABORER 114 

George T. Surface, Ph.D., Instructor in Geography, Sheffield 
Scientific School, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

SEASONAL OCCUPATION IN THE BUILDING TRADES 129 

Luke Grant, “Record-Herald,” Chicago. 

THE SUPPLY OP FARM LABOR 138 



George K. Holmes, Chief of Division of Production and Distri- 
bution, Bureau of Statistics, U. S. Department of Agricul- 
ture, Washington, D. C. 



THE INFLUENCE OP IMMIGRATION ON AGRICULTURAL DE- 
VELOPMENT 149 

John Lee Coulter, Ph.D., Instructor in Economics of Agricul- 
ture, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minn. 

THE ITALIAN AS AN AGRICULTURAL LABORER 156 

Professor Alberto Pecorini, American International College, 
Springfield, Mass. 

NEGRO LABOR AND THE BOLL WEEVIL 167 



Alfred H. Stone, LL.B., Dunleith, Miss. Author of “Studies 
in the American Race Problem.” 

THE JEWISH IMMIGRANT AS AN INDUSTRIAL WORKER 175 

Charles S. Bernheimer, Ph.D., Compiler of “The Russian Jew 
in the United States”; Assistant Head Worker University 
Settlement, New York City. 



LABOR AND WAGES IN FRANCE 183 

. E. Levasseur, Professor of Economic Geography, History and 
Statistics in the College de France, Paris. 

THE PROBLEM OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE UNITED KING- 
DOM 196 

Sidney Webb, LL.B., L.C.C., Lecturer on Public Administra- 
tion in the London School of Economics and Political 
Science, University of London, England. 



PRESENT STATE OF LABOR LEGISLATION IN AUSTRALIA 



AND NEW ZEALAND 216 

Victor S. Ciark, Ph.D., Bureau of Labor, Washington, D. C. 

BOOK DEPARTMENT 225 

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1908 OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF 

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 258 



BOOK DEPARTMENT 



Conducted by FRANK D. WATSON 
Notes pp. 225-242. 



REVIEWS. 

Baker — Following the Color Line (p. 242) C. Kelsey 

Bentley— Process of Gorernnicnt (p. 24.3) C. Kelsey 

Channing — .4 History of the Viiitcd (States. Vol. II. (p. 245) 

E. R. Johnson 

Daggett — Railroad Reorganization (p. 240) E. R. Johnson 

Flack — The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (p. 247) . . .C. L. Jones 
lIoDGETTS — The Court of Russia in the F ineteenth Century. 2 vols. 

(p. 248) S. N. Hai'per 

Jackson and Daugherty — Agrieuiture Through the Lahoratory 

and School Garden (p. 249) O. L. Jones 

JEVONS — Introduction to the Study of Comparative Religion 

(p. 250) S. E. Rupp 

Lowell — The Government of England. 2 vols. (p. 251) C. L. Jones 

Phillips — History of Transportation in the Eastern Cotton Belt 

to 1860 (p. 252) G. G. Hiiebnei- 

Pierce — Federal Usurpation (p. 253) W. W. Pierson 

Wendell — The Privileged Classes (p. 254) Mary Lloyd 

White — The Making of the English Constitution, Jilf9-Hi85 

(p. 255) ...E. P. Cheyney 



LIST OF CONTINENTAL AGENTS 
France : L. Larose. Rue Soufflot 22, Paris 
Germany: Mayer & Miiller, 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W. 
Italy : Direcioue del Giornale degli Economisti, via Monte Savello, 
Palazzo Orsini, Rome. 

Spain : Libreria Nacional y Extranjera de E. Dossat, antes, E. Capdeville, 
9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid. 



Copyright, 1909, by the American Academy of Political and Social Science 

All rights reserved 



EMPLOYMENT BUREAU FOR THE PEOPLE OF NEW 

YORK CITY^ 



By Edward T. Devine, 

Schiff Professor of Social Economy, Columbia University ; General Secretary 
of the Charity Organization Society, New York City. 



The Need for an Employment Bureau 

That there are in New York City in good times as well as in 
periods of depression a very considerable number of employable 
persons who need work who are not actually employed, may be 
taken for granted. Immigration, migration from other communi- 
ties, irregularity in building operations and in other industries, 
and the seasonal character of many trades, are causes which oper- 
ate in all communities, but in New York City in a wholly extraor- 
dinary degree. Besides such causes affecting large masses of 
people, individuals, of whom there is a large number in the aggre- 
gate, lose much, to them, valuable time in finding work after illness, 
or when from any other cause they have been compelled to give 
up their work. For our present purpose it has not been thought 

Un the fall of 1908 Mr. Jacob H. Schiff suggested that the Charity Organiza- 
tion Society should call a conference to consider the foilowing proposition : 

“The proposition is to organize in the City of New York an employment bureau 
under a board of trustees composed of experienced men, preferentially from the 
mercantile and industrial classes. 

“The bureau should be placed under a manager of great executive ability, with 
two or three assistants, the latter to be thoroughly conversant with the classes and 
their peculiarities which compose New’ York City’s working population. 

“The bureau is to establish an organization covering all sections of the United 
States, so that it shall be in Immediate and constant touch w’ith requirements for 
labor and employment wherever such may exist, but its benefits are to accrue 
primarily to the unemployed of the City of New York. 

“The bureau is to charge a reasonable fee to the employer for the procuring 
of labor, for which the latter may reimburse himself, gradually, if this is deemed 
well, from the wages of the employee. It is hoped that by this the bureau will in 
time become self-supporting ; but to assure its establishment and maintenance for a 
number of years, until it shall have become self-supporting, a working fund of 
$100,000 ought to be assured at the outset.” 

The Russell Sage Foundation undertook the expense of a preliminary investiga- 
tion, and Dr. Edward T. Devine was requested to prepare the report of which this 
article presents a summary. The full report, with numerous appendices and a 
bibliography, is printed privately for the Russell Sage Foundation by The Charities 
Publication Committee, New Y’^ork. 



(225) 



2 



The Annals of the American Academy 



necessary to make any estimate of the unemployed. Common 
observation and the testimony of trade unions, charitable societies, 
and the daily press sufficiently establish the fact that in normal years 
the total number who lose a substantial part of the working year 
is very considerable, and that in every depression, however local 
or temporary, the number is sufficiently large to become a matter 
of grave concern. 

The question which is pertinent and important is whether the 
unemployed are so (i) because they are unemployable, (2) because 
there is no work to be had, or (3) because of mal-adjustment, which 
an efficient employment bureau could at least to some extent over- 
come. It is obvious that if they are unemployed because they are 
unemployable, the employment bureau is no remedy. The only 
adequate remedy for a lack of efficiency would be education and 
training. If, again, they are unemployed because of real and 
permanent surplus of supply over the demand of labor, it is plain 
that an employment bureau could not remedy the difficulty. The 
bureau does not directly create opportunities for work, and its 
success will therefore depend on the possibility of finding it. In 
so far, however, as the lack of employment is due to mal-adiust- 
ment, that is to the inability of people who want work to get quickly 
into contact with opportunities which exist and to which there are 
no other equally appropriate means of access, the employment 
bureau will be justified. This mal-adjustment between labor and 
opportunities for labor may either be local, c., within the commu- 
nity itself, or it may be as between communities. That is, if there 
is an actual surplus of labor in New York City there may still be a 
deficiency in other towns or cities, or on farms in New York or 
other states, and the employment bureau may therefore find a 
field for usefulness in equalizing these conditions as between 
communities. 

The time at our disposal has not permitted an original investi- 
gation of the extent to which there is an unfilled demand for labor, 
either in New York City or in other communities. I have, however, 
addressed a careful letter of inquiry to about thirty persons who 
would be in position to give definite information on these points, 
if it were to be had, and whose opinions at least would be worthy 
of special consideration. The most striking fact about the replies 
to these inquiries is the complete demonstration that they give that 

(226) 



Employmoit Bureau for Xczv York City 



3 



there is no definite information on these matters and that the views 
of those who have evidently considered them most carefully are 
apt to be diametrically opposed. There is, however, a general 
consensus of opinion among economists and authorities on labor 
problems that even in periods of active trade there is by no means 
a complete adjustment between seekers after work and oppor- 
tunities for employment even within the city. 

Practically all from whom opinions have been obtained, econo- 
mists, employers, trade unionists, social workers, and government 
and state officials who have had to deal with labor questions, are 
firmly convinced that surplus labor is a feature of congested com- 
munities and not a general phenomenon, that in ordinary times an 
urgent demand for both skilled and unskilled labor may exist, and 
does exist, in many communities at the very moment when the 
unemployed are congregating in other communities, and especially 
that labor is needed at remunerative wages on farms at the very 
time when the already overcrowded cities are increasing in popu- 
lation. 

The conclusion to which I am forced to come from a pains- 
taking examination of all of the data on this subject available in 
print, and from correspondence and personal conference with those 
whom I have thought most competent to advise on the subject, is 
that there is a need at all times, and in periods of even slight de- 
pression a very urgent need, of an efficient system of bringing to- 
gether as quickly as possible those who are seeking work and those 
who are seeking workers. I am inclined to think that such an 
agency would actually increase to an appreciable extent the effective 
demand for workers. In the words of I\Ir. Sidney Webb, “it would 
not only increase the mobility of labor, but would actually increase 
the aggregate volume of demand, to the extent of the opportunities 
for profitable employment that the employer now lets slip because 
he can’t get just what he wants when he wants it.” 

The proposed employment bureau would certainly be one 
means, and as I shall hereafter show, probably the best means, of 
meeting this great and permanent need by mediating between work 
and workers in that large number of instances for which no 
other especially appropriate means of communication has been 
established. 



(227) 



4 



The Annals of the American Academy 



Is the Need Met by Existing Institutions? 

I have not thought it necessary to make an independent investi- 
gation of the existing commercial agencies for the reason that 
numerous investigations have been made, and one which is official 
and doubtless exceptionally thorough, is in progress at this writing 
under the direction of the New York State Immigration Commission. 
Without anticipating the findings of the state commission it is 
within bounds to say that the private commercial agencies do not 
meet the need which has been described, that their standards of 
integrity and efficiency are low, that their real service to employers 
and employees, except in a few occupations, and in the case of a 
few well conducted agencies, is exceedingly slight. Operated 
primarily for profit, they have a constant temptation to over-charge, 
to misrepresent, and to encourage frequent changes for the sake of 
the fee. It is a striking fact that the principal argument for the 
establishment of free state labor bureaus has always been found in 
the abuses of the private commercial agencies. 

The three most important attempts in New York City to con- 
duct a free employment bureau under the auspices of philanthropic 
agencies are the Cooper Union Labor Bureau, conducted by the 
New York Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, 
the Employment Bureau of the United Hebrew Charities, and the 
Employment Bureau of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. All 
of these have been discontinued ; and all for this reason, among 
others, that the maintenance of a general employment bureau is 
not the proper function of a charitable society, and that from the 
point of view of the success of the employment bureau the connec- 
tion with a charitable society is disadvantageous. If the under- 
lying ideas and policies of these bureaus had been different, if they 
had had at their disposal a superintendent and staff really qualified 
to deal with the task in its larger social aspects, and if they had 
been in position to invest a large capital in creating a mechanism 
and establishing proper trade relations, it is possible that they 
might have overcome the handicap of connection with a charitable 
agency, however serious and embarrassing such an affiliation may 
be. Their experience, therefore, while instructive and illuminating 
in many respects, cannot be regarded as conclusive. 

Still less importance can be attached to such free agencies as 

(228) 



Employment Bureau for New York City 



5 



the Free Employment Bureau now maintained at the Barge Office 
by the German Society and the Irish Emigrant Society. Excellent 
service has been rendered for many years by this bureau for the 
particular class for whom it is intended, and there need of course 
be no attempt to displace it. The same is true of the employment 
bureaus which deal with immigrants of other nationalities, and those 
conducted by the various religious organizations. 

There are no statistics as to the total number of persons who are 
placed in employment by these free agencies. Although the aggre- 
gate number of persons affected and benefited is of course consider- 
able, the fact remains that the work of these bureaus is so frag- 
mentary, so uncoordinated and so meagre when compared with 
the number of persons in the city who require such assistance, that 
it could scarcely be seriously maintained that they meet the need. 

By authority of act of Congress of February, 1907, dealing 
with the general subject of immigration, there has been established 
in the Bureau of Immigration of the Department of Commerce 
and Labor a special division for collecting and distributing informa- 
tion to aliens and others interested. Mr. T. V. Powderly, the former 
Commissioner-General of Immigration, is at the head of this di- 
vision, and on the theory that the only information which is of 
interest to aliens or others interested is information concerning a 
particular job suitable to their own individual needs, the government 
has established at 17 Pearl Street what is virtually, though not in 
name, an employment bureau. In co-operation with the Post 
Office Department and the Department of Agriculture, the Division 
of Information has undertaken a very comprehensive plan for ob- 
taining information from farmers and others concerning their neecT 
for workers, and places this information at the disposal of the 
superintendent of the local bureau for the benefit of aliens or others 
who may call at the office. Having the franking privilege and the 
advantage of co-operation with other Federal bureaus, it would 
naturally be expected that such an employment bureau might develop 
large proportions and to a measurable extent supply the need for 
such service as we have been considering. 

There are objections, however, to the assumption of this duty 
by any branch of the Federal Government. It is impracticable, 
for example, for the government to distinguish between citizens 
who would seek to use the bureau as employers, and yet such dis- 

(229) 



6 The A)i)ials of the American Academy 

crimination is necessary if applicants are not to be sent at unrea- 
sonably low wages or to positions where the conditions are unsatis- 
factory. Questions arise as to calls from employers on the occasion 
of strikes or lockouts. A voluntary agency could properly insist 
upon full and accurate knowledge on all such questions before 
undertaking to supply a demand. For the government to do so 
would be to invite friction and antagonism which might have 
verv regrettable consequences. No government official should ever 
he placed in a position where it is necessary to discriminate between 
citizens, who, apparently in good faith, are demanding a service 
which the government has undertaken to supply. Without such 
discrimination, however, an employment bureau operating on a 
large scale over a large territory would inevitably become merely a 
factor in reducing wages and lowering standards of living. If a 
generous resjwnse to inquiries on behalf of the general government 
means that employers are seeking immigrant labor because it is 
cheaj) labor, and if the government by advising immigrants to accept 
such offers or by facilitating their acceptance becomes a party to 
such lowering of standards, it may easily do harm which would 
vastly outweigh the services given in finding employment for a given 
number of people. This is a danger against which any employment 
bureau should take ample precautions, but it will be easier and more 
practicable for a voluntary, unofficial agency to take such measures 
than for any branch of the Federal Government. 

If. however, the actual work of acting as intermediary is as- 
sumed by a voluntary agency properly equipped for the purpose, 
it is quite possible that co- 0 {>eration between such an agency and 
the Federal Government might be mutually advantageous. If the 
Federal Government would collect such information as is apparently 
contemplated by the immigration law, and would place such in- 
formation at the disposal of reputable voluntary agencies or make 
it available in some suitable way to the general public, this would 
enormously increase the usefulness of the voluntary bureau. 

After conference with the Secretary of the Department of Com- 
merce and Labor and with the Chief and Assistant Chief of the 
Division of Information, and with the superintendent of the local 
bureau, as well as with the Commissioner of Labor and many others 
who have given attention to the subject, I am convinced that while 
there is a great field of usefulness for the division of inform- 

1230) 



Employment Bureau for Keio York City 



7 



ation, it is not and cannot wisely become an efifective interme- 
diary between workers and employment to an extent that will 
make unnecessary such an employment bureau as is under con- 
sideration. 

The State Department of Agriculture conducts in its branch 
office at 23 Park Row, New York City, a special labor bureau for 
the purpose of supplying farmers of the state with farm hands and 
transplanting families as tenants on New York farms. The assist- 
ant commissioner in charge of this office will report to the depart- 
ment that in the past fiscal year ninety families have thus been sent 
to the country, and about 900 single men as farm laborers. 

Neither the division of information conducted by the Federal 
Government nor the Agricultural Labor Bureau of the state gov- 
ernment would be in any way hampered or displaced by the employ- 
ment bureau, but both could and doubtless would co-operate with 
it to the mutual advantage of all concerned. 

It is sometimes thought that the cheapening of daily news- 
papers, and the development of the want advertisements, afford a 
means of supplying the need in question. Such advertisements have, 
of course, a distinct field of usefulness, although one perhaps more 
restricted than is ordinarily supposed. To ascertain whether adver- 
tisements by employers and by applicants for work respectively vary 
in accordance with well known conditions of trade activities and 
depression, and to get some idea of the nature of the “wants” thus 
advertised, I have had a careful examination made of the want 
columns of two newspapers in New York City on selected days in 
1902 and 1905, representing what may be considered normal condi- 
tions of trade, and in the winter of 1907-08, covering the transi- 
tional period from the activity of the early autumn to the depression 
of the winter. This study of New York newspapers is supplemented 
by a similar examination on a slightly different plan of the files of 
Chicago newspapers. 

My conclusion, based upon personal examination of want col- 
umns, upon this detailed examination of the files of New York and 
Chicago newspapers on certain selected days, and on conference 
with others who have been in the habit of following such advertise- 
ments in connection with the work of the Free State Employment 
Bureaus, is that the want columns, although^a factor in the general 
mediation between employers and employees in clerical occupations, 

(231) 



8 



The Annals of the American Academy 



in certain kinds of miscellaneous odd jobs, and in some of the skilled 
trades, do not by any means meet the entire need, and that the 
question of their usefulness is by no means to be ascertained merely 
by measuring the space which they occupy on the padded page of 
many newspapers. 

At my request the Director of the Bureau of Social Research 
in the New York School of Philanthropy assigned one of the fel- 
lows of the bureau to the task of interviewing the secretaries of a 
number of representative trade unions to ascertain what are their 
methods for finding work for their unemployed members, and in- 
cidentally to obtain their views as to the desirability of establishing 
an employment bureau so far as concerns its possible usefulness to 
their own members. This inquiry was supplemented by similar in- 
terviews with representative employers, with the officers of associa- 
tions of manufacturers and other employers and with representa- 
tives of the important railways. 

It appears that in those trades which are completely organized 
and in which there is practically no non-union labor, the union is 
itself the ordinary means of communication between employer and 
employee. In general the system of finding work for unemployed 
members is exceedingly haphazard. The general opinion of the 
representatives of trade unions interviewed in the course of this 
inquiry appeared to be that their mechanism was not sufficient to 
deal with the situation as a whole or even within their own trades, 
so far as it is a matter of distributing labor to other communities. 
There is no doubt that the co-operation of union labor can be secured 
in carrying out the plan for an employment bureau, if that is desired, 
and it would seem on many accounts to be very desirable. 

Interviews with employers were on the whole rather unsatis- 
factory because of the indefinite and tentative manner in which the 
proposition could be explained, but the two interesting results of 
such interviews are first that there would be no lack of disposition 
to use the services of the bureau as soon as it was shown that it 
was in position to do its work, and second that even among the few 
whom we visited there were some who had reasons of their own for 
instant hostility to any plan which would by arrangement with 
higher officials deprive them of their present prerogatives of hiring 
labor. One service which the employment bureau would be led 
to undertake, though perhaps not at the beginning, would be the 

(232) 



Employment Bureau for Xew York City 



9 



investigation of conditions under which contract labor is engaged 
and managed on some of the railway systems. 

There are no doubt still to be found some who look with misgiv- 
ing on any plan for helping people to find work, even though they 
are expected directly or indirectly to pay for the service, lest the 
feeling of personal responsibility should thereby be undermined. A 
bureau, however, conducted on a business basis, expecting eventu- 
ally to pay reasonable dividends on the capital invested in it, would 
scarcely be open to this objection. What is proposed is not a pater- 
nalistic assumption of responsibility for employees, but the render- 
ing of definite economic service in return for suitable compensation. 
Workingmen out of a job may now look to their unions or advertise 
in a want column, or register in a commercial employment agency, 
or tramp about from place to place applying personally for work. 
It is the last method that is ordinarily in the mind of those who favor 
“throwing persons upon their own responsibility” in the matter of 
finding work. To patronize a well-conducted employment bureau 
which gave a full equivalent for the fee charged — though the collec- 
tion of the fee might be postponed until wages should be received — 
would be only a very sensible and commendable manner of meeting 
this responsibility. 

Can the Need be met by a free Public Bureau? 

In order to answer this question, I have thought it expedient 
to visit personally the free state employment bureaus in Boston, 
Columbus, Cleveland, Chicago, iMilwaukee and Minneapolis, and 
have obtained such information concerning these and other state 
and municipal bureaus as is contained in their annual reports and 
is available in the United States Labor Bureau and elsewhere. 
While some of these bureaus are. of course, better than others, I 
regret to report that so far as I can ascertain they are everywhere 
in politics, and are too perfunctory and inefficient in their methods 
to become factors in bringing about any real adjustment between 
work and workers. The salary paid to the Superintendent of a 
Free State Bureau is $1,200 or less — usuall)^ less. He has often 
only one assistant, and sometimes none. Judging from the e.x- 
perience of New York and other states, the fundamental defects in 
such state bureaus are not easily to be overcome. The peculiar 
relation between organized labor and the state employment bureau 

(233) 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



and the temptation to utilize the bureau merely to make it appear 
that the administration of the day is “doing something for labor” are 
apparently ineradicable obstacles in the way of efficient service. The 
municipal bureaus in Duluth and Seattle appear to be free from 
the defects of the state bureaus, and it would be easy to make favor- 
able comment on particular features of certain of the bureaus, espe- 
cially those in Massachusetts and Wisconsin, but I have been unable 
to find in any of these state bureaus as now conducted warrant for 
the belief that the re-establishment of the New York State Bureau 
would be advisable in itself or that it would in any appreciable 
degree serve the purpose of giving substantial and practical aid to 
the community in solving the problem which we have in mind. 

Every step in advance in the elimination of fraud and extortion 
in the ordinary commercial agencies only increases the need of a 
general agency which shall be in position to command public con- 
fidence and shall unquestionably be free from the abuses which 
state regulation is intended to prevent. Stricter regulation and 
supervision, while desirable on their own account, do not lessen the 
increasing need for an agency which will be conducted primarily 
for the good that it will do rather than for the profits that it can 
earn. 



Recommendations. 

As a result of careful study of the whole subject, involving a 
considerable amount of reading, visits to several states and to the 
national cai)ital, and extended correspondence, the co-operation of 
the Bureau of Social Research, and numerous personal interviews, 
especially in regard to the reasons for the failure of experiments 
which have been made in New York City, I am of the opinion that 
the establishment of an employment bureau substantially on the 
lines indicated in Mr. Schifif’s memorandum is desirable, that the 
need for such a bureau is very great, that it is not met by other 
existing agencies, and cannot be met by other plans more efifectively 
or economically than by that proposed. 

The only serious modification which I would recommend is 
that a fee should be charged to employees rather than to employers, 
unless it is found practicable and advisable to charge a fee to both. 
I believe that eventually the bureau could make such a position 
for itself that large employers would be willing to make contracts 

<^ 234 ) 



Eiiiployineitt Bureau for Xezif York City ii 

with it, perhaps on an annual basis, which would be mutually ad- 
vantageous, but I doubt the wisdom of charging a specific fee for 
each employee furnished, especially in the initial stages of the exper- 
iment. I have no doubt, however, that from the very beginning it 
could be made apparent to employees that in paying a reasonable 
fee for the services of the bureau they would be making a good 
investment. If employers were charged and not employees, my fear 
would be that the tendency of the bureau would be to serve the 
interests of employers, rather than those of employees. It is of course 
our desire that it should serve both, and primarily the community. 

There is complete unanimity of opinion that the success of the 
whole enterprise will depend upon the capacity of its executive 
officer, although it is also conceivable that a board of trustees or 
managers might be created that would contribute very materially 
to its success. My suggestion would be that the board should con- 
sist of not more than nine members, and that among them there 
should be at least one labor representative, and one social worker 
or university instructor interested in the problem on the scientific 
side. This suggestion is made simply in the interest of efficiency 
and public usefulness, but if those who provide the capital feel 
that they should exercise exclusive control over the Bureau, some 
part of the advantage which I have in mind might be secured by 
creating an advisory board with an even larger representation of 
such elements as I have proposed for the board of managers. 

The general plan on which the bureau should be conducted 
has perhaps already been sufficiently indicated. Recapitulating, 
however, for the sake of clearness, I would recommend : 

That there be organized in the City of New York an emplo}^- 
ment bureau under a board of trustees composed of experienced 
men representing the mercantile, academic, philanthropic and in- 
dustrial classes, each member of the board, however, being selected 
not so much in his representative capacity as because of his probable 
usefulness as an active working member of the board. The control 
should, of course, remain with those who furnish the working funds, 
but need not be exclusively limited to them. 

The bureau should be placed under a manager of great execu- 
tive ability, with the necessary number of assistants, and the staff 
should be thoroughly conversant with the peculiarities of the various 
groups that compose New York City’s working population. Herein 
lies the special strength of the small and often badly conducted 
employment agencies, that those who manage them really know their 

(235) 



12 



The Annals of the American Academy 



people. The employment bureau cannot be expected to succeed 
unless it can secure similar intimate knowledge of the peculiarities, 
and especially of the valuable qualities of particular groups. It 
would be necessary to have interpreters, men to take charge of 
gangs in transit, and to perform virtually the functions now exer- 
cised by the padroni — although without the abuses of that system. 

The bureau should establish an organization covering all sec- 
tions of the United States, so that it shall be in immediate and 
constant touch with requirements for labor and employment wher- 
ever such may exist, but its benefits should accrue primarily to the 
unemployed of the City of New York. It may not be necessary to 
maintain agencies permanently in particular localities outside of 
New York, although it might be advisable to have one or two branch 
headquarters. For the most part the agents in the field would be 
moving from place to place, establishing relations with employers, 
looking after the interests of men who had been sent to work, and 
ascertaining when they would be free from particular engagements, 
so that there would be little loss of time in transferring them to 
other places where they were needed. 

The bureau should charge a reasonable fee to employees, 
although waiving this, as private employment agencies do, whenever 
it is necessary in order to supply particular demands, and postponing 
it, until it can be i>aid from wages whenever employees are entirely 
without funds. Eventually the bureau might make contracts with 
employers on the basis of compensation to the bureau for its services, 
but my suggestion would be that the service be free to employers 
until it had been demonstrated that the bureau is in position to do 
this work as well as other agencies or better. 

On account of the general dissatisfaction with all existing 
systems — free employment bureaus, ordinary private commercial 
agencies, want advertisements, employers’ exchanges, trade union 
registers, etc., and for other reasons already indicated, I am of the 
opinion that an employment bureau conducted as has been pro- 
posed, with a working capital of $100,000, would eventually become 
self-supporting, and would pay a reasonable, or even, if that were 
desired, a very substantial dividend on the capital invested. As the 
motives of those who would establish the bureau are not, however, 
pecuniary, but public-spirited, I would recommend that the bureau 
be incorporated on a plan similar to that of the Provident Loan 
Society, limiting dividends to six per cent and providing that the 
surplus, if any should be accumulated, be devoted to some appro- 
priate public purpose. 

Aside from the main purpose of helping the unemployed to get 

(236) 



Employment Bureau for New York City 



13 



work, I would expect that a bureau of the kind that is under con- 
sideration would have five indirect and incidental but exceedingly 
important functions : 

(1) By competition it would help to eliminate the evils of the 
ordinary commercial agencies. 

(2) By opening up opportunities for employment in other 
communities, both urban and rural, it would contribute to the solu- 
tion of the overshadowing and increasingly serious problem of con- 
gestion of population in New York City. 

(3) It would gradually establish standards of work which 
might eventually, if the establishment of a State Bureau or even 
a National Bureau is found expedient, be taken over in the manage- 
ment of such official bureaus. Conditions in this country do not 
at present seem favorable for establishing high standards in official 
bodies of this kind. This is greatly to be deplored, and it is doubt- 
ful whether voluntary agencies in the field of social work can 
render a better service than by working out at private expense and 
under the more favorable conditions of private initiative, standards 
of work which will subsequently modify the work of public agencies 
if they become desirable. Without attempting to anticipate whether 
social legislation in this country will follow the course w'hich it 
has taken in all European countries, including Great Britain, we may 
at least feel it to be a patriotic duty to do anything that is possible 
to be prepared for such legislation by unhampered experiment with 
the problems which elsewhere have already become governmental 
functions. If on the other hand it is found that recent tendencies 
in these directions are modified or reversed and that such activities 
are to remain indefinitely in private hands, then nothing is lost but 
everything is gained by such pioneer work as is now proposed. 

(4) It would help to decasualize labor, if we may use a 
phrase which has become more familiar in England than in this 
country, but which implies a lamentable condition towards which a 
large part of our unskilled labor is unfortunately tending. Any 
employer in undertaking a new job would prefer, other things being 
equal, to secure laborers who have been at work, rather than men 
who have been demoralized by idleness or underemployment. 

(5) Eventually the employment bureau might exert an im- 
portant influence on the critical period in the lives of boys and 
young men when they first begin work. We have child labor 

(237) 



14 



The Aimals of the .■liiierican Academy 



committees and a widespread interest in protective legislation, but 
not enough attention has been given to the kind of work in which 
working boys from fourteen to twenty years of age are engaged. 
It is largely lost time, paying relatively high wages at the start 
but leading nowhere. While it could not become the main function 
of the employment bureau to deal with the problem, it might in- 
cidentally contribute materially to its solution. 

The strongest, and to my mind conclusive, argument in favor 
of the establishment of an employment bureau is to be found in 
the very dearth of information and even of views which this brief 
and necessarily superficial inquiry has disclosed. There appears 
to be no way of finding out how' much mal-adjustment actually 
exists either in our own city or between this and other communities, 
or of discovering remedies except by trying the experiment. At 
the end of a year or two of actual work by such an employment 
bureau as has been proposed, we would have a body of experience 
and info'‘ination from which conclusions could be drawn in regard 
to many important questions of public policy and of private social 
effort. It may seem extravagant to say that the mere collection 
of such information and its proper interpretation would be worth 
all that it is proposed to spend in the experiment even if it should 
prove to be an utter failure, but I believe this to be a moderate and 
reasonable estimate. I do not believe that it will be a failure, and 
have indicated what appear to me to be convincing reasons fur 
believing that it will be a success. 



(23S) 



THE FUTURE OF LABORS 



Bv Andrew Carnegie, 
New York City. 



From the dawn of history until now man, overcoming' 
temporary interruptions, has steadily developed, making great 
progress in every field. Contrast his condition at various periods 
m the past with the present and we have one unbroken record 
of improvement, morally, intellectually, and physically. Infant 
mortality is very much less, the death-rate has fallen, the average 
of life has lengthened. Pestilences which swept away our pro- 
genitors are to-day unknown. Many diseases once uncontrollable 
are now conquered. The homes of the people have improved and 
the poor are now taken care of. The food and clothing of the people 
are better, hours of labor less, wages much higher. Free education 
leaves no child in ignorance ; illiteracy is almost unknown. Carlyle 
only ventured to imagine a future when every considerable town 
would have a collection of books ; now they have free public libraries. 
Even the prisons have been improved. Sentences for crime have 
been lightened. Man has become more law-abiding and better 
behaved. There is less intemperance, and crime is less frequent. 
In every domain the comforts of life have been increased, its miseries 
mitigated. The masses of the people arc better housed, better fed, 
better clothed, better educated and better paid than ever before, and 
the sums in the savings banks were never so great. 

In all English-speaking lands the rule of the people prevails ; 
only in Britain is hereditary privilege allowed to exist and obstruct 
their rule. Every public office is open to ability. Power is now in 
the hands of the masses wherever the English language is spoken. 
Never have the masses made such rapid and substantial progress as 
in recent years. 

If we contrast what the laborer is with what he was, the dif- 
ference is great. He was once slave, then serf who did manual 
labor; up to a century ago he was still a villein and was sold with 

^From “Problems of lb day,” by Andrew Carnegie. Copyright, 1908, by Double- 
day, Page and Company. 

( 239) 



i6 



The Atinals of the American Acadony 



the mine — that is, he could not leave it without the consent of the 
proprietor. Till recent times he was not paid in cash. Now he is a 
freeman, and sells the labor the mine-owner buys, both equally 
independent. With their trades unions, cash payments, — masters of 
themselves, and their labor, — it is clear that workingmen have 
shared in the general advance. The wand of progress has not passed 
them by untouched, nor are we without evidence that the march of 
their improvement is not to stop. 

Yet it cannot be claimed that conditions are satisfactory as they 
exist. In the future, labor is to rise still higher. The joint-stock 
form opens the door to the participation of labor as shareholders in 
every branch of business. In this, the writer believes, lies the final 
and enduring solution of the labor question. The Carnegie Steel 
Company made a beginning by making from time to time forty-odd 
young partners, only one was related to the original partners, but 
all were selected upon their proved merits after long service. None 
contributed a penny. Their notes were accepted, payable only out 
of the profits of the business. Great care was taken to admit workers 
of the mechanical department, which had hitherto been neglected 
by employers. The first time a superintendent of one of the works 
was made a partner attracted attention, but as we kept on admitting 
men who had risen from the ranks as mechanics, we found it more 
and more advantageous. The superintendents now sat in confer- 
ence at the board with the managers in the office. From this policy 
sprang the custom of bonuses awarded yearly to men in subordinate 
positions who had done exceptional work. This class naturally felt 
that they were on the upward road to admission as partners ; their 
feet upon the ladder. 

The problem presented by the combination of many steel works 
into the one United States Steel Corporation was not altogether 
new', for individual and corporate management have co-existed since 
joint-stock companies w^ere formed. The former had undoubtedly 
great advantages over the latter. Able men managing their owm 
w'orks, in competition wdth large bodies of shareholders employing 
salaried managers, were certain to distance their corporate com- 
petitors, and did so. Nothing can stand against the direct manage- 
ment of owners. The United States Steel Corporation realized this, 
and as a substitute resolved to adopt the policy of interesting its 
officers and employees in its shares. Some plan of profit-sharing 

(240) 



The Future of Labor 



17 



was soon seen to present the best, and indeed the only, substitute for 
individual management. This idea the writer highly approved in his 
presidential address to the Iron and Steel Institute in London, in 
1903, but ventured to point out one serious defect. The investments 
in the shares of the company proposed to the men were to be at the 
risk of the purchasers. We added that "this seems a feature we 
may, however, expect the corporation to change as experience is 
gained.” "Every employee a shareholder” would prevent most of 
the disputes between capital and labor, and this chiefly because of 
the feeling of mutuality which would be created, now, alas ! generally 
lacking. To effect this, every corporation could well afford to sell 
shares to its saving workmen, giving preference in repayment at 
cost as a first charge in case of disaster, just as present laws provide 
first for the mechanic’s lien and for homestead exemption. This is 
due to the workingman, who necessarily buys the shares without 
knowledge, and he is asked to buy them, not solely for his own 
advantage, but for the benefit of the company as well— the advantage 
of both. This view, as expressed by the writer in the address 
referred to, we rejoice to say, has been adopted by the Steel Corpo- 
ration, and its last offer of shares guarantees the men against loss. 

Two and a half million dollars worth of additional stock was 
offered by the Steel Company to workmen this year ( 1908) and all 
taken, and twenty-five thousand more of the employees applied for 
shares, many for one share only, and these are to be provided, so 
that nearly one hundred thousand workmen of this company are 

soon to be shareholders, i. c., part owners having a right to vote 

with their fellow-proprietors, and sharing in the profits. These 

workers have their feet upon the ladder, and are bound to rise. 

They are very likely to save and invest more and more. 

In the percentage allotted by the plan to reward exceptional 
officials we have for the huge corporation perhaps the best substitute 
attainable for the magic of partnership, which nothing, however, can 
approach. The reward of departmental officials may readily be 
secured under this provision. In the bonus granted yearly upon 
shares held by the employees we have proof of regard for them 
which cannot but tell, and the distribution of shares in the concern 
among them gives an advantage which so far no partnership even 
has enjoyed. The latter will no doubt adopt the plan, or find some 
equivalent, for the workman owning shares in absolute security will 

(241) 



18 



The An)ials of the American Academy 



prove much more valuable than one without such interest, and many 
incidental advantages will accrue to the company possessed of numer- 
ous shareholding employees who may some day see their repre- 
sentative welcomed to the board of directors. This would prove 
most conducive to harmony, knowledge of each other on the part 
of owners and workmen being the best preventive of dissatisfaction. 

The strict political economist of our day may look askance at 
the idea of a minimum wage and a guarantee for the workmen 
against loss upon their shares, in companies in which they hold a 
minority interest ; but whatever final form the merger of labor and 
capital may assume in the distant future, these features seem to be 
essential under present conditions. If taxation should be borne only 
according to ability to pay, it is not wholly unreasonable that the 
workman should not be subject to loss, for, having only a minimum 
wage, he has no ability to incur loss. The exemption of a stated 
sum from income-tax in Britain, and in America the exemption of 
the small homestead, are examples of this principle. Should the 
workmen hold the majority of shares and really manage the busi- 
ness, exemption from sharing loss should cease. 

We are just at the beginning of profit-sharing, and the reign 
of workingmen proprietors, which many indications point to as the 
next step forward in the march of wage-paid labor to the higher 
stage of profit-sharing- — joint partnership — workers with the hand 
and workers with the head paid from profits — no dragging of the 
latter down, but the raising of the former up. 

So far as the system has been tried it has proved a decided suc- 
cess, and it can easily be continued, since it is proving mutually bene- 
ficial to capital and labor. One of the greatest advantages, the writer 
thinks will be found in drawing men and managers into closer inter- 
course, so that they become friends and learn each other’s virtues, for 
that both have virtues none knows better than the writer, who has 
seen both sides of the shield as employee and employer. “ We only 
hate those we do not know,” says the French proverb. There is much 
truth in this. In vast establishments it is very difficult, almost impos- 
sible, for workmen and employers to know each other, but when the 
managers and workmen arc joint owners, and both paid wages, as 
even the president of the company is, we shall see greater inter- 
course between them. In the case of disputes, it is certain that the 
workmen-partners have a status nothing else can give. They can 

(242) 



The fltturc of Labor 



19 



attend all shareholders’ meetings and hav^e a voice there if desired. 
Entrance into the partnership class means increased power to work- 
men. On the other hand, knowledge of the company’s affairs, its 
troubles and disappointments, which come at intervals to the most 
successful concerns, will teach the workman much that he did not 
know before. 

Co-partnership tends to bring a realizing sense of the truth to 
both labor and capital that their interests, broadly considered, are 
mutual ; and as far as the latter is concerned it may finally, in some 
cases, be all furnished by those engaged in the works, which is the 
ideal that should be held in view — the workman both capitalist and 
worker, employee and employer. This, however, is not for our time. 
We are only pioneers, whose duty it is to start the movement, leaving 
to our successors its full and free development as human society 
advances. 

But what of existing inequalities, it will be asked ; will not labor 
always suffer from the wasteful extravagance of the very rich? 
When we proceed to trace the work of wealth as a whole, it is soon 
found that even these extravagances absorb but a small fraction of 
it. The millionaire’s funds are all at work; only a small sum lies in 
bank subject to check. All that the millionaire can get out of life is 
superior food, raiment and shelter. Only a small, a very small, per- 
centage of all. his millions can be absolutely wasted. When the 
socialist, therefore, speaks of all wealth going back to the state, he 
proclaims no great change in its mission. The state, sole owner, 
would use it just as the owners now use all but a fraction of it; that 
is, invest it in some of the multiform ways leading to the reward of 
labor. It is simply a question whether state as against individual 
control of wealth would prove more productive, which, judging from 
experience of state and individual management so far as yet tested, 
may gravely be doubted. 

But further, as regards great fortunes, there can be no heredi- 
tary aristocracy of wealth. Where it is left free, as a rule, it passes in 
three generations from shirtsleeves to shirtsleeves in all English- 
speaking lands except the United Kingdom, where the law of primo- 
geniture and legal settlements guard a hereditary class and defeat the 
operation of the natural law. In free lands the children of million- 
aires and their children may be safely trusted to fulfil the law ; to 
keep a fortune is scarcely less difficult than to acquire it. Wealth is 

(24.3 'I 



20 



The Annals of the Anierican Academy 



dispersive where unbuttressed by special laws designed to keep it in 
certain channels, all of which laws should be promptly repealed. 

Wealth in America, the land of greatest fortunes, never yet has 
passed beyond the third generation. It seldom gets so far. We have 
a few, a very few, families of the third generation now spending 
the fortunes made by their grandfathers. The two or three greatest 
fortunes of their day are now being freely distributed among the 
children and grandchildren, and will be reduced to moderate sums 
for each when the present children reach maturity ; as certain as fate 
many of their descendants will be found toiling as their able ances- 
tors did in their shirtsleeves. We may safely trust those who have 
not made the money to prove adepts in squandering it. 

Even if great fortunes were not promptly dissipated by those 
who inherit them, another remedy lies at hand. A heavy progres- 
sive tax upon wealth at death of owner is not only desirable, it is 
strictly just. For after making full allowance for differences in men, 
it still remains true that contrasts in their wealth are infinitely greater 
than those existing between them in their different qualities, abilities, 
education and except the supreme few, their contributions to the 
world’s work. It should be remembered always that wealth is not 
chiefly the product of the individual under present conditions, but 
largely the joint product of the community. 

It is not denied that the great administrator, whether as rail- 
road builder, steamship-owner, manufacturer, merchant or banker, is 
an exceptional man, or that millions honestly made in any useful 
occupation give evidence of ability, foresight, and assiduity above 
the common, and prove the man who has made them a very valuable 
member of society. In no wise, therefore, should such men be un- 
duly hampered or restricted as long as they are spared. After all, 
they can absorb comparatively little, and generally speaking the 
money-making man, in contrast to his heirs, who generally become 
members of the smart or fast set, is abstemious, retiring, and little 
of a spendthrift. The millionaire himself is probably the least expen- 
sive bee in the industrial hive, taking into account the amount of 
honey he gathers and what he consumes. Practically every thousand 
of his money is at work for the development of the country, and 
earning interest, much of it paying labor. 

In the interests of the community, therefore, he should not be 
disturbed while gathering honey, provided it be destined largely for 

(244) 



The Future of Labor 



21 



the general hive, under a just system of taxation, when he passes 
away. When the working bees die, the nation should have a large 
portion of the honey remaining in the hives. It is immaterial at what 
date the collection is made, so that it comes to the national treasury 
at last. 

Such, then, is the writer’s answer to the question of enormous 
fortunes and the advancement of labor. Given a just system of taxa- 
tion, and a system of partnership between labor and capital, and 
there is no assignable limit to the progress of the worker. Let us 
never forget that under present conditions the world has grown and 
is growing better, and we steadily approach nearer the ideal. Never 
was there so much of the spirit of brotherhood among men, never so 
much kindness, never so much help extended by men, and especially 
by women, to their less fortunate fellows. Whatever the future may 
have in store for labor, the evolutionist, who sees nothing but certain 
and steady progress for the race, will never attempt to set bounds 
to its triumphs, even to its final form of complete and universal 
industrial co-operation, which I hope is some day to be reached. 



(245) 



EMPLOYEES’ BENEFIT ASSOCIATION OF THE INTER- 
NATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY 



By C. W. Price, 

Director McCormick Works Club, Cbicago. 



Since the organization of the Employees’ Benefit Association of 
the International Harvester Company, September i, 1908, many in- 
quiries have been received from business men, asking for definite 
information regarding the plan. They ask for the data which was 
used as a basis, and for detailed information regarding the vital 
points to be considered in organizing a benefit association among 
employees. 

Judging from the experience of the committee which made the 
original investigation and drafted the plan for the International 
Harvester Company, there seems to be a dearth of literature on 
employees’ benefit associations which embodies tbe sort of definite 
information which a practical business man needs, who is consider- 
ing the advisability of organizing some sort of a benefit plan among 
his employees. 

Having in mind the inquiries mentioned above, it has occurred 
to me that I may be able to render a service to the business men 
who read The Annals, if I devote this article to a brief digest of 
the Employees' Benefit Association of the International Harvester 
Company, and discuss the vital points which were considered by the 
officers of the company and our committee before a plan was 
adopted. I shall first give a digest of the plan. 

Organization . — The International Harvester Company, Inter- 
national Llarvester Company of America, and subsidiary companies 
have associated themselves with such of their employees as may join 
the same in the formation of a benefit association. 

At the end of each year, if the average membership in the ben- 
efit association during that year has equaled 50 per cent of the 
average total numbers of employees in the companies’ manufacturing 
plants, the company will contribute $25,000 to the fund, and if such 
average membership has equaled 75 per cent of such total number 
of employees, the company will contribute $50,000 to the fund. The 

(246) 



Employees' Benefit Assoeiation 



23 



company agrees to temporarily advance funds, when necessary, for 
payment of benefits at due date ; to guarantee the safety of the fund 
and to pay semi-annual interest on the average balances at four 
per cent. 

The contributions from members shall be used only for the 
payment of benefits due to members of the association, and the ex- 
penses of administration. If a surplus shall accumulate, it shall 
remain under the control of the members of the association, through 
their representatives on the board of trustees, and if a deficit arise, 
the company will make temporary advance to pa}' same. 

Board of Trustees . — The benefit association is in executive 
charge of the board of trustees, consisting of members represent- 
ing the various plants and departments, and a superintendent. The 
president of the International Harvester Company is ex-officio chair- 
man of this board. The board of trustees at present consists of 
thirty members, fifteen of which are elected by the employees and 
fifteen are appointed by the directors of the company. The board 
of trustees appoints the superintendent and has general supervision 
over the association. All questions may be appealed to this board 
and its decision is final. 

Siiperintcndent . — The superintendent, under the direction of 
the board, has charge of all business of the association. He employs 
the clerks and medical e.xaminers, certifies all bills and pay-rolls, 
and decides all questions properly referred to him. 

Medical Examiner . — A medical examiner is stationed at each 
of the works. He makes the required physical examination of ap- 
plicants for membership, prepares applications, visits the sick and 
decides when they are disabled, and when they are able to work, 
and performs such other duties as may be required by the super- 
intendent. 

Membership . — Membership is voluntary with all employees. Any 
employee in the service of the company on or before September 
20, 1908, had the privilege of becoming a member without medical 
examination and regardless of age, at any time prior to January i. 
1909; thereafter all applicants for membership are required to pass 
a physical examination. Any employee who enters the service after 
September 20, 1908, and is over forty-five years of age is allowed 
to carry the regular disability benefits, and a death benefit of $100 
only. Any employee who has been a member of the benefit associa- 

(247) 



24 



The Annals of the American Academy 



tion for one year and leaves the service of the company, or is dis- 
charged, may continue his membership in respect only of the mini- 
mum death benefit which he has held during the past year. Each 
member signs an application for membership in which he authorizes 
the company to deduct two per cent of his wages ; names his bene- 
ficiaries ; agrees to be governed by the regulations, and states that 
he is correct and temperate in habits. Female employees are accepted 
as members on the same basis as male employees. 

Contributions . — Members contribute two per cent of wages due 
each pay day. Contributions are based on wages which members 
earn when working full time. No contributions are made by dis- 
abled members who are drawing benefits. Members who have left 
the employ of the company and are carrying death benefits, con- 
tribute ten cents per month, in advance, for each $ioo of death 
benefit. No member of the association is allowed to contribute 
for a death benefit to exceed $2,000. This includes a death benefit 
of twice this amount in case of death from accident. 

Benefits . — When a member is disabled he must notify his time- 
keeper at once. The examining physician decides when benefits are 
to begin. In determining the amount of benefits to be paid, the 
average wage for the last sixty days is used as a basis. 

Under the regulations the following benefits are provided : 

Disability from sickness — One-half wages, e.xcept for the first 
seven days, for a period not longer than fifty-two weeks. 

Disability from accident — One-half wages, beginning with the 
date of the accident, for a period not longer than fifty-two weeks. 

Death from sicknes.s — C)ue year’s wages. 

Death from accident — Two years’ wages. 

Loss of one foot or one hand — One year’s wages. 

Loss of both hands or both feet, or one hand and one foot — Two 
years’ wages. 

Loss of one eye — One-half year’s wages. 

Loss of both eyes — Two years’ wages. : 

In case of grave injury or chronic sickness the superintendent 
has authority to make full and final settlement by the payment of 
a lump sum, on such terms as may be agreed in writing. 

A special benefit of half wages for three months is paid in a lump 
sum to females who have been members of the benefit association 
nine months, and become pregnant. 

^ (248) 



Employees’ Benefit Association 



25 



Members who receive benefits, either disability or death bene- 
fits, are not required to sign a release in any form, releasing the 
company from liability. 

In the discussion which follows I shall endeavor to give a 
brief outline of the information which was considered by our com- 
mittee, bearing on the vital points of the plan outlined above. 

So far as I have investigated, I have found that all of the best 
benefit associations in the United States have been organized as a 
department of the company ; the initial step being taken by the 
officers of the company. I have found no evidence in any 
quarter that the employees make objection to this plan. Further, 
there is much evidence that the workingmen favor the plan, because 
they have confidence in the business ability of the officers of the com- 
pany to organize the plan on a sound basis. IMost workingmen are 
familiar with the small insurance societies which have met with dis- 
aster, because of incompetent management among their own class. 

While the benefit association is a department of the company’s 
business, one of the most vital points considered in establishing it 
was that it should be organized on a broad democratic basis, that 
the men should have a real and not a nominal representation, and 
.should take active part in its administration. The board of trustees, as 
provided in the above plan, insures such a democratic administration. 

I have made very careful inquiry in many quarters regarding 
the practical working of such a representative board, and have found 
that all the best authorities, with one exception, agreed that a 
thoroughly representative board is not only safe, but exceedingly 
valuable in fostering confidence among the employees. They stated 
that in no case, which has been appealed to the board for decision, 
have the representatives of the men shown any disposition to take 
sides against the representatives of the company ; on the other hand, 
the representatives of the men have proven themselves exceptionally 
broad and fair in their judgment on all questions. One manu- 
facturer stated that “The benefit association, conducted by a repre- 
sentative board, is now doing more than any one thing to help 
bridge the gap between the company and the men, and to offer a 
natural and legitimate common ground on which they may meet 
and consider questions of mutual interest. The members of the 
board of trustees of the Benefit Association of the International 
Harvester Company are representative types of men, both those 

(249) 



26 



The Annals of ihc American Academy 



chosen by the company and those elected by the employees, and the 
action of the board thus far gives the company every reason to 
believe that the association will be conducted in a businesslike and 
satisfactory manner.” 

The attitude of the officers of the International Harvester Com- 
pany toward the board of trustees is expressed in the following 
words, quoted from the address of the general manager, Mr. C. 
S. Funk, at the first meeting of the board, October 8, 1908: “The 
Harvester Company, as a corporation and as the employer of this 
membership, will have nothing to do with the management of the 
association, and I want to make it very plain in the beginning that 
the control of this association is up to the board of trustees. It 
is not up to the company, nor any official in it, to say what shall 
or shall not be done. It may be felt by a good many of you, partic- 
ularly men appointed by the company, that you are to represent 
the interests of the company. This is not the case. The company 
docs not expect to manage the association, but expects those who 
are appointed by it to act solely in the interests of the association 
as such. We have great confidence in this board of trustees and 
believe it will manage the affairs of the association broadly and 
wisely. It is not expected, nor would it be fair and businesslike for 
you men, chosen by the employees of the different works, to come 
here feeling it is up to you all the time to fight for the individual 
employee. You are trustees of this association, just the same as 
the directors are trustees of a bank and you are here to administer 
the affairs of the association and to protect its interest ; not to advo- 
cate or champion the cause of individuals who may have claims 
against the association.” 

A book of regulations, consisting of about 5,000 words, em- 
bodies the rules which govern the actions of the trustees and the 
officers of the association. It is exceedingly important that these 
regulations be made as complete in every detail as possible before 
the association is organized. In drafting these regulations the 
experience of all the best authorities was consulted, especially 
the books of regulations used by the relief departments of the vari- 
ous railroads of the United States. The railroads, through long 
years of experience, have worked out their rules and regulations, 
adding clause after clause as experience demanded, and thus 
has been built up a body of regulations which is exceedingly valu- 

(250) 



Employees' Benefit Association 



27 



able to all benefit associations which may be organized in the 
future. A complete book of regulations covers practically all points 
of dispute which may arise and thus much discussion and dissatis- 
faction is avoided and a just uniform administration of the depart- 
ment is made possible from the start. 

The benefit association is in executive charge of a superintend- 
ent who is located at the general office of the company in Chicago. 
A medical examiner, who is appointed by the superintendent, and 
who works under his instructions, is in charge at each of the works. 
At some of the smaller works a local physician is employed who 
gives part time only. The clerical work, such as making deductions 
from the pay-roll, reporting cases of disability, etc., is done by the 
clerical force at the works. All cases are reported to the super- 
intendent, who keeps a complete set of records and pays all benefits. 

In the administration of the benefit association the personal 
equation enters very largely. The superintendent should be a man 
of democratic temperament, capable of mingling with the men and 
winning their confidence. He should have strong powers of decision 
and good organizing ability, and should be big and broad enough to 
conduct the association in such a way as to insure absolute justice in 
the treatment of every case. One of the ablest superintendents 
whom 1 have met stated his rule of action as follows; “My rule is 
always to remember that I am administering a fund which belongs 
to the employees and not to the company, and I always give the 
advantage of the doubt to the employees.” 

The question as to whether membership in the benefit associa- 
tion should be made voluntary or compulsory is one on which there 
is some difference of opinion. With the exception of the relief de- 
partment of one of the large railroads, practically all of the represen- 
tative benefit associations of the United States have made member- 
ship voluntary with old employees. After careful investigation of 
this subject our committee was fully satisfied that the voluntary plan 
is the most satisfactory. In arriving at this decision the following 
points were considered : The small assessment and the large benefits, 
as compared with outside fraternal or insurance organizations, will 
furnish a sufficient inducement to the men to become members. 

If a compulsory policy is adopted, the old employees will resent 
it, regardless of the generous benefits which the association may 
offer. By adopting the compulsory policy, the employer misses a 

(25O 



28 



The Annals of the American Academy 



valuable opportunity to win the confidence of the old employees and 
to meet them on a common ground of mutual interest. The wisdom 
of the voluntary plan has been fully demonstrated by the success 
of our association thus far. The Benefit Association of the Inter- 
national Harvester Company was organized on September i, 1908, 
and on January i, 1909, after a period of four months, about 20,000 
of the employees, which is over seventy-five per cent, have become 
members, and a most splendid spirit of confidence and co-operation 
prevails among the members. Tbe very large number of employees 
who applied for membership during the first week after the associa- 
tion was organized was a most gratifying evidence to the officers 
of the company of the confidence which the employees had in the 
association. 

The rules of our benefit association provide that any employee 
in the service of the company on or before September 20, 1908, may 
become a member without a physical examination and regardless of 
age at any time prior to January i, 1909. To one who has not in- 
vestigated the subject this may seem like a radical and dangerous 
provision. This plan has been adopted by the oldest and most suc- 
cessful benefit associations in the United States and has worked out 
satisfactorily. The following points are worth consideration on 
this question : Only a small percentage of the employees of the aver- 
age industrial plant are over forty-five years of age. The company 
naturally desires to include all old employees in any benefit that may 
be organized, so that they may be taken care of. I have found no 
evidence in any quarter that the younger employees feel that this is 
unfair ; on the contrary, I believe if a canvass were made that there 
would be almost an unanimous expression in favor of the provision, 
based upon a fellow feeling which prevails in any group of working- 
men, and which finds expression in subscription lists, donations, etc. 
In organizing a benefit association the old and trusted employees 
will be the first to become members, and their intelligent interest 
and co-operation will do much to establish the association in the 
confidence of the rank and file of the men. 

I need only mention here the importance of a physical examina- 
tion with new employees who become members of the association. 
This is absolutely essential to protect the fund and to insure its 
satisfactory administration. A physical examination also works 
out a positive advantage to the company because it eliminates un- 

(252) 



Employees’ Benefit Association 



29 



desirable men ; raises the standard of efficiency, and reduces the 
risk of serious accidents. 

In organizing- a benefit association a most important question 
to consider is the amount of assessment required to provide for the 
benefits, and to insure a sufficient surplus. Our committee spent 
much time in gathering data from the various benefit associations 
and also from the records in some of the works of our own com- 
pany where a benefit association, covering accidents only, was in 
operation. 

A benefit association, organized in an industrial plant, includes 
an unique group of men and therefore the statistics of the regular 
insurance companies are of little value in determining the amount 
of the assessment and benefits. In many factories, for instance, 
the average age is below thirty years, and the tendency is toward 
a lower rather than a higher average age. Because of the character 
of work required the employees must be physically strong, and only 
men who can pass a physical examination are employed. 

In determining the amount of the assessment necessary the fol- 
lowing data were used by the committee : At one of the largest 
works in our company, where an accident benefit association had 
been in operation for ten years, complete records were kept of the 
number of days of disability, the deaths, the loss of limbs, etc. By 
substituting the benefits provided in the present plan for those pro- 
vided in the old accident plan we found that an assessment of three- 
fourths of one per cent on the average yearly wage, which was 
$600, would be ample. In view of the fact that at many of our 
smaller works the number of accidents is much less, we felt that 
it was safe to use the above figures as a basis. In determining the 
amount of assessments to provide for accidents, each company 
should be governed by its own experience or the experience of other 
companies in which the conditions are similar. 

Our committee decided that the statistics bearing on disability 
and death from sickness, which the railroad relief departments 
have gathered, are the most complete and reliable of any statistics 
available. In view of the fact that the operations of the Chicago, 
Burlington and Quincy Railroad cover a territory which more nearly 
corresponds to the territory occupied by the International Harvester 
Company, we decided to use the statistics of sickness furnished 
by this company. The records of the relief department of the 

(253) 



30 



The Annals of the American Academy 



Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad, covering a period of the 
last ten years, show that each member of the relief department, on 
an average, is disabled eleven days each year and there are five 
deaths from sickness per i,ooo members. In view of the fact that 
the regulations of our benefit association provide that benefits for 
sickness are paid after the first seven days, the above figures indicate 
that benefits must be provided for an average number of four days 
for each member. 

Using the average yearly wage of $600, and the average daily 
wage of $2.00, the following statement in dollars and cents of the 
assessments required will make the above statement more clear: 

To cover disability and death from accident ( three-fourths 

of I per cent) $4-5o 

To cover disability from sickness ( four days at half 

wages) 4.00 

To cover death from sickness (five deaths per 1000 mem- 
bers, death benefit one year's wages) 3.00 



Total $11-50 

The assessment of two per cent of the average yearly wage 
of $600 provides $12 which is ample to cover the benefits as provided. 
The assessment of ten cents per month per $100 of death benefit, 
provided for members who have left the employ of the company, is 
the same assessment as is used by the railroad relief departments 
and is adequate to pay for all benefits. 

In organizing a benefit association the questions as to whether 
benefits shall cover disability and death from sickness, as well as 
from accident, and whether the benefits shall be sufficient to provide 
a good insurance, or whether they shall only provide limited dis- 
ability Ijencfits and small burial death benefits, are questions which 
confront every employer who begins to investigate the subject. In 
my investigation I visited fifteen of the best benefit associations, 
organized in the United States, and, with the exception of one, I 
found there was an unanimous and positive conviction in favor of 
a plan to include disability and death from sickness. The managers 
stated that seventy-five per cent of the real value to the men comes 
from sick benefits. Many business men who are not familiar with 
the practical workings of benefit associations feel that a provision 

(254) 



Employees’ Benefit Association 



31 



for sick benefits involves many difticulties, and is open to serious 
abuses on the part of the employees. I made careful inquiry among 
the superintendents of benefit associations regarding this feature, 
and they all stated that where a doctor's certificate is required before 
benefits can be drawn, and where provision is made that six or seven 
days shall elapse before members are entitled to benefits, they have 
little difficulty in weeding out the frauds and preventing imposition 
on the fund. Our experience thus far confirms this statement. 

I visited a number of plants in which benefit associations, cover- 
ing accident only, were in operation. I talked personally with many 
of the employees to ascertain their attitude. I found that the men 
accepted the plan as a part of the shop discipline imposed upon 
them. There was an utter lack of any spirit of co-operation. 

There are many benefit associations organized in various busi- 
ness institutions of the United States; the majority of them are lim- 
ited affairs. In many cases the assessments are about 25 cents per 
month, with small disability benefits, such as $5 per week for a few 
weeks, and with a death benefit of from $50 to $100. While these 
associations arc fairly successful, and are appreciated by the em- 
ployees. they are entirely inadequate to cover the situation, and the 
employees must seek outside protection for their families. The ex- 
perience of the old benefit associations proves that the larger plan 
is more attractive to the employees, and will work out a more per- 
manent success. 

The benefits, as provided in the plan above, correspond closely 
with the benefits provided in the benefit associations of the railroads 
and the other large benefit associations which have been organized 
in the United States. 

Twenty years’ experience with these old benefit associations 
has demonstrated that these benefits are adequate and represent 
about the limit of protection which an employer should undertake 
to provide for his employees. 

The rules and regulations provide that benefits shall be paid for 
accidents which occur while men are off duty. This is a provision 
which is much appreciated by the men, and is essential in order to 
cover the whole situation. Judging from the experience of associa- 
tions which have been organized in factories, about five per cent 
of accidents occur outside the plant. 

Provision is also made for members to carry their insurance 

(255) 



32 



The Annals of the American Academy 



for death benefit after leaving the employ of the company. This 
includes members who have been discharged. This provision is 
included in the benefit associations of the railroads and has worked 
out satisfactorily. In my investigation I found that the men de- 
manded this, and unless it had been included the whole plan would 
have met with very serious objections from the start. The old ben- 
efit associations have learned through experience that only a com- 
paratively few of the members, who leave the employ of the com- 
pany, keep up their assessments and retain their memberships, 
therefore this feature does not present any large or serious problem 
to be dealt with. 

The question of release of the company from liability, when 
benefits are paid by the association, is one which has aroused much 
discussion. With a few exceptions, the large benefit associations, 
thus far organized in the United States have included the release 
clause in their regulations and have defended it in many cases which 
have been appealed to the highest courts. The officers of the com- 
pany, and our committee, gave this question serious consideration 
and decided to omit the release clause from the regulations. Thus 
by participating in the benefit plan the employee does not waive 
or surrender any of his legal rights. The fact has done much to 
convince the employees that the plan is fair and generous, and has 
helped to secure its adoption at once by the men on its merits. 
The custom has become almost universal among workingmen, 
including the poorest and humblest to carry insurance. The monthly 
premiums have become a part of every family budget. 

Any employer of a large body of men is in a position to organize 
a department which will give safe and adequate protection, cover- 
ing sickness and accidents, at a very low cost. Where an association 
is organized as a part of the business, the operating exp>ense can be 
reduced to the minimum. The clerical force already employed can 
take care of much of the work without additional cost. It is perhaps 
a fair estimate to make that the actual expense incurred in the 
operation of a benefit association is about one dollar per member. 

In a plant where an association is organized with adequate 
benefits, the problem of charity is practically eliminated, and the 
whole situation is relieved of those distressing cases of need which 
are continually arising. Bearing on this point it is interesting to 
note that the statistics of the charitv organizations reveal the fact 

(256)' 



Employees’ Benefit Association 



33 



that about seventy-five per cent of the cases of need which appeal 
for charity are directly traceable to sickness and accident. 

I know of no way in which an employer, with the same expen- 
diture of money, can so directly and effectually help his employees to 
help themselves, as by organizing an employees’ benefit association 
on a broad generous basis, 



(257) 



PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD PENSION DEPARTMENTS: 
SYSTEMS EAST AND WEST OF PITTSBURGH AND 
ERIE, PA. STATUS TO AND INCLUD- 
ING THE YEAR 1907 



By M. Rieben.ack, 

Comptroller, Pennsylvania Railroad Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 



Experience having demonstrated that the available surplus from 
Relief Department operations would provide, under the most favor- 
able conditions, only a small superannuation allowance for the mem- 
bership of that Fund exclusively, the Pennsylvania Railroad Com- 
pany, after thorough investigation, evolved a system of pensioning 
under the operation of which all employees of the service, regardless 
of Fund membership, are prospective beneficiaries after compliance 
with regulations prescribed for its conduct and administration. The 
purpose of the Company in this direction was made known to the 
employees in notices sent out under date of December 18, 1899. 
The plan known as “The Pennsylvania Railroad Pension Depart- 
ment,” went into effect on January i, 1900, the companies associated 
in its administration being the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, the 
Northern Central Railway Company, the Philadelphia, Baltimore 
and Washington Railroad Company, the West Jersey and Seashore 
Railroad Company, and the Philadelphia and Camden Ferry Com- 
pany. 

The department of the Lines West of Pittsburgh, known as 
“The Pension Department of The Pennsylvania Lines West of Pitts- 
burgh,” was started on January i, 1901, having been formed on 
lines corresponding to those obtaining in the department of the 
Lines Ea.st. The companies associated in its administration are 
the Pennsylvania Company, the Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Chicago 
and St. Louis Railway Company, the Grand Rapids and Indiana 
Railway Company, the Cleveland, Akron and Columbus Railway 
Company, the Vandalia Railroad Company, the Cincinnati and 
Muskingum \'"alley Railroad Company, the Waynesburg and Wash- 
ington Railroad Company, the Cincinnati, Lebanon and Northern 
Railway Company, and the Wheeling Terminal RaiKvay Company. 

(258) 



Pnuisyh'aiiia Railroad Pnision Departinoits 35 

Department affairs are controlled by a Board of Officers, con- 
sisting of the \dce-Presidents, the General Manager, and the 
Comptroller of the Railroad Companies, vested with full power to 
make and enforce Department rules and regulations. 

During the formative stages of the pension plan the law of aver- 
ages as applied to the observation of life, from the standpoint of 
figures provided by the American Experience Table of Mortalitv. 
was given careful consideration, resulting in the gathering of much 
valuable statistical information. The basis of Pension Department 
operation finally decided upon was arrived at by obtaining from 
all employing officers throughout the System records of employees 
aged fifty-five years and over together with length of service and 
rate of pay in each case. With these data in hand, classifying 
such employees by age, statistics were compiled showing what 
their respective service would be upon reaching the retirement ages 
of sixty-five and seventy years, and to the results thus obtained were 
applied various percentages of the different rates of pay, due allow- 
ance being made for deaths which might occur at different’ ages, 
this application being made conformably to the provisions of the 
American Experience Table of Mortality. 

The objects of the Department are to provide for old and faith- 
ful employees, under designated conditions which will be later stated, 
by placing them on what is styled a "retired li.st,” upon their becom- 
ing physically or mentally incapacitated after a specified period of 
continuous service, or attaining a maximum age. The retirement or 
pension allowances, in such cases, are to be paid exclusivelv from the 
revenue of the Railroad Companies. 

The maximum age limit for entrance to the service is 45 years, 
except that : 

(a) Former employees may be re-employed within a period of 
three years from the time of leaving the service. This three-year 
period is deemed sufficient to enable employees to decide whether or 
not they desire re-employment. At the same time such absence 
from the service does not interfere with the employees’ status, at the 
retiring age, from the standpoint of having been in the service 
sufficient length of time to insure him the benefit of a reasonable 
pension allowance. It must not be inferred, however, that former 
employees over the maximum age limit who may desire re-employ- 
ment under these conditions are entitled to re-employment merely 

(259) 



3^ The Annals of the American Academy 

on their request, or because an employing officer wishes to re-employ 
them, as the requset for such re-employment must contain good and 
sufficient reasons. 

[b) Persons may, irrespective of age limit, be employed where 
the service involved requires professional or other special qualifica- 
tions. 

(c) Persons may be temporarily taken into service, regardless 
of age limit, for a period not exceeding six months, subject to exten- 
sion to complete the work for which engaged. 

Employment of persons under “a” and “b” is recommended by 
the Board of Officers of the Pension Department, but must have the 
approval of the Board of Directors of the Railroad Company. 

Employment in the Company’s service is generally accepted as 
being of a permanent nature, and the Company, so viewing the 
matter, made provision accordingly in the original formation of the 
Department, by limiting the age to 35 years. The age-limit was 
the outcome of a long and careful consideration of propositions the 
adoption of which would, it was thought, enable the establishment of 
a working basis whose operations would insure a plan invested with 
uniformity in the computation and awarding of retirement allow- 
ances. The three prime elements upon which such allowances rest 
are, (a) age at entrance to service, (b) length of service, and (c) 
wage earning status during a designated period. The allowance is 
a fixed percentage of the average pay received during the ten years 
immediately preceding retirement, applied to the entire length of 
service. 

Although 35 years was looked upon as experimental when 
the Department was started, it was then believed to be the fairest 
and most equitable age limit for the best interests of the employees 
in general. In the past few years sociological, commercial, and 
industrial conditions have been practically revolutionized. The era 
of great undertakings and ventures is at hand, and the transportation 
interests, in common with all other business enterprises, are keeping 
pace with the movement. Consolidations and expansions are steadily 
enlarging the material interests and requirements of the railways. 
With this pronounced development of rail transportation interests 
(and the railways are nowadays more or less directly or indirectly 
related to nearly every important field of human activity), has grown 
a distinct tendency toward standardization, specialization, and ex- 

(260) 



Pennsylvania Railroad Pension Departments 37 

traordinary skill or expertness in the various avenues of labor, pro- 
fessional, mechanical and manual. Invention, labor-saving machin- 
ery, and the spirit of the times, have combined to compel the average 
wage earner to strive for exceptional individual efficiency in his 
chosen avocation, and, on the other hand, have provoked a constantly 
increasing demand by railway companies for employees specially 
equiped to fill positions in their service. Extended observation shows 
that these classes of professional men, specialists, mechanical experts, 
and skilled artisans, are commonly composed of men who have 
devoted long periods to the attainment of exceptional qualifications 
and ability for their respective callings, and they are, in many in- 
stances, over 35 years of age. For the purpose of minimizing the 
force of the original age limit, and so occupying a position in which 
the services of these specially competent men could be utilized, the 
two parts of the Pennsylvania Railroad System, under date of IMarch 
12, 1907, for the Lines East, and February 4, 1907, for the Lines 
West, authorized the amendment of Pension Department regulations, 
to take effect as of April i, 1907, to provide for increasing the age 
for admission to the service of the several companies, from 35 to 
45 years. The change in the age limit does not in any respect affect 
the established working basis of the Department in the granting of 
pension allowances. The basis of allowance award, as already 
described herein, will produce uniform results. The older the man 
upon entrance to the service the lower proportionately will be the 
pension allowance awarded upon reaching retirement age in the 70- 
year, or involuntary retirement class. In the 65-69-year, or 
voluntary retirement class the 30-year service period advances 
automatically one year for each year over age 35 upon entrance into 
the service. That is, an employee aged 35 years at the time of entering 
the service, if permanently incapacitated upon reaching age 65 years, 
would be retired under the operation of the 30-year-service clause ; 
if 36 years of age upon entering the service such retirement could 
not become effective until 66 years, and so on up to age 70, when the 
compulsory retirement provision of the regulations would apply 
regardless of years of service ; the limit to obtain retirement under 
the 65-69-year class being, therefore, 39 years of age at entrance. 

Pension allowances are paid upon the following basis: For 

each year of service one percentum of the average monthly pay for 
the ten years immediately preceding retirement, determined by ascer- 

(261) 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



taining the total amount of wages the employee actually earned and 
for which he was carried upon the pay-rolls, during said ten-year 
period and dividing that amount by 120 calendar months. 

The undertaking is financed by the several companies associated 
in administration, and the stockholders at the respective annual 
meetings appropriated a maximum for the two parts of the System 
during the year 1907 amounting to $822,500, made up : 

Lines east of Pittsburgh, maximum 

annual appropriation of $600,000 

Lines west of Pittsburgh, maximum 

annual a]ipropriation of 222,500 

Total $822,500 

This aggregate maximum annual appropriation of $822,500 
for both parts of the system, is devoted exclusively to the payment of 
duly authorized and approved ])ension allowances. 

Provision is made that if the basis of pension allowances creates 
demands in excess of annual appropriations, a new basis may be 
established involving ratable reduction of pension allowaTices to a 
point that will bring the expenditures within limitations. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the provisions of the regulations 
have alwavs allowed of a pro rata reduction in allowances whenever 
they created demands in excess of the annual appropriation, the 
several administrative railroad companies of the System East of 
Pittsburgh did not deem it politic to avail themselves of this saving 
clause, but, instead, have on two occasions increased the annual 
appropriation to a figure considered necessary to avoid allowance 
reductions. The first increase, effective January i, 1902, was from 
$300,000 to $390,000, and the second, commencing with January i, 
1907, to $600,000. The latter amount, decided upon after mature 
study and analysis and close figuring, will, it is believed, carry Pen- 
sion Department operations for a number of years, without entailing 
reduction in allowances already granted or those that may be here- 
after authorized. The original annual appropriation of $150,000 
made by the Lines West of Pittsburgh at the time the Pension De- 
partment for that part of the Railroad System was inaugurated, 
January i, 1901, has also been increased twice. The first increase, 
effective January i, 1905, was from $150,000 to $217,500, and of this 

(262) 



Pennsylvania Railroad Pension Depart)ncnts 



39 



increase $20,000 was for the purpose of providing pension allowances 
to employees of the \'andalia Railroad Company, which at that time 
became associated in the administration of the Pension Department. 
The second increase, effective September i, 1906, placed the appro- 
priation at $22,500, the $5,000 added at the time being to provide 
for the payment of pension allowances to employees of the Cleveland, 
Akron and Columbus Railway Company, on which date that Com- 
pany became associated in administration of the Pension Department. 

The funds necessary for the payment of pension allowances 
are provided in the form of appropriations authorized at regular 
annual meetings of the stockholders of the several companies con- 
cerned. Disbursements against these annual appropriations, for 
pension allowances, are made monthly, in the same manner as 
salary and wage payments to employees in general, by pay-roll, 
under the immediate supervision of the Superintendents of the 
various affiliated roads and divisions in interest embraced in the 
Railroad System. Such monthly disbursements represented charges 
against the operating expenses of the roads and divisions involved. 

Total System pension allowances since inauguration of the 
Departments, to and including December 31, 1907, aggregated 
$3,879,438-24 made up ; 

Lines East $2,901,548.69 

Lines West 977.889.55 



Total $3,879,438.24 

Company pa3’ments to the two Funds since inauguration, repre- 
senting strictly Department operating expenses paid wholly by the 
companies associated in joint administration of the two Departments, 
aggregated $54,403.92, up to and including December 31, 1907, dis- 
tributed ; 

Lines East $38,699.91 

Lines West 15.704.01 

Total $54,403.92 

Total System pension allowances during the year 1907 amounted 
to $684,867.65, made up; 



(263) 



40 



The Annals of the Ameriean Academy 



Lines East $507,461,10 

Lines West 177,406.55 

Total $684,867.65 

The total number of employees of both parts of the System 
retired and granted pension allowances up to the end of the year 
1907 was 4,427, distributed; 



Lines East 3 . 3 ' 3 i 

Lines West 1,096 



Total 4.427 

Average age of retirement for employees, in both classes, for 
both parts of the System, during the year 1907, was: 

Lines East 68 years, ii months. 

Lines West 69 years, 6 months. 

Average age of pensioners, both classes, carried on the pension 
rolls on December 31, 1907, was: 

Lines East 73 years, 4 months. 

Lines West 71 years, 6 months. 

The average length of service of employees retired, in both 
classes, for both parts of the System, during year 1907, was: 

Lines East 35 years, 7 months 

Lines West 33 years. 

The number of pensioners carried on the pension rolls of the 
two parts of the System at the end of the year 1907 aggregated 



2,756, distributed ; 

Lines East 2,020 

Lines West 736 



Total 2,756 

The number of deaths for both Departments, for the full period 
of operation to and including December 31, 1907, was: 

Lines East 1-3 n 

Lines West 358 



Total 



(264) 



1,669 



THE LOGIC OF SOCIAL INSURANCE 



By Charles Richmond Henderson, Ph.D., D.D., 
Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago. 



Hitherto the title “industrial insurance’’ in this country has been 
monopolized by private companies, and meant chiehy provision for 
funeral expenses at high cost. It is time to extend the significance 
of the words, or to adopt some such description as “social insurance’’ 
to cover the methods of guaranteeing income to wage earners and 
their families in case of sickness, accident, invalidism, feebleness of 
old age, death of the breadwinner and unemployment. 

The people are beginning to take an interest in the subject. A 
few years ago all suggestions were hushed by the sneering epithets, 
“socialism,” “sentimentalism,” “paternalism,” and a hint that one 
was corrupted by German “absolutism.” Of course, there never was 
any real w'eight in such empty and provincial phrases, and they 
merely indicated the fact that the American mind was empty of 
knowledge of a world movement. They revealed an indifference to 
human sufifering which did no credit to our civilization, and a con- 
tempt for social science, which was not honorable to our universities, 
editors and lawyers. ATry hopeful are the signs of interest. Maga- 
zine articles on industrial accidents sell the numbers ; legislative com- 
mittees are busy framing bills ; the Russell Sage Foundation and 
the Carnegie Institution are collecting information : trade unions 
have retained legal talent to help them formulate laws which will 
have a living chance with conservative courts bound under consti- 
tutions written by men of mind alien to our age and for radically 
different economic conditions and ethical ideals. European nations 
have solved the actuarial and economic problems, while .\merica, 
proud of its inventiveness and initiative, lags in the rear and rails at 
the “effete monarchies” of the Old World, and foretells all sorts of 
evils like those senile persons who praise the times that are dead. 

Perhaps the newspapers, even though hostile, have helped to 
awaken attention by grudging references to the European laws, while 
a corps of young writers of talent and persons with experience 
in charity work have stirred the sluggish conscience of the 

(265) 



42 



The Annals of the American Academy 



nation by their stories of misery caused by our human neglect, and 
have reminded men of the disclosures of the German workingmen’s 
insurance plans at the St. Louis Exposition. 

One cause of the awakening is a discovery of the enormous 
cost of litigation which has become a burden upon the resources 
of the nation and a disgrace to the legal profession, as well as a 
source of corruption. A recent article in the Chicago “Tribune’’ 
on “The Cost of Legal Circumlocution,’’ furnishes an illustration : 

All the civil litigation of England and Wales, population about thirty-two 
millions, is taken care of by thirty-four judges in the supreme court of 
judicature and fifty-eight county judges, or ninety-two judges in all. 

The population of Illinois was, by the census of 1900, approximately 
4,800,000. Its courts employ seventy-eight circuit judges and loi county 
judges exclusive of Cook County. Cook County has twenty-five circuit and 
superior court judges, a county judge, a probate judge, and a municipal court 
of very general jurisdiction employing twenty-eight judges. There is a 
supreme court of seven judges. In all these judges number 216. Besides, we 
have justices of the peace and the federal judges. 

The “Tribune” does not offer this rough comparison as conclusive. But 
it suggests that after making all due allowances the discrepancy revealed is 
shocking. Omitting the work of our county judges and taking into account 
only that of our circuit, superior and supreme courts, we have an establish- 
ment of eighty-five judges taking care of the civil and criminal cases of a 
population of less than five millions, while in England and Wales ninety-two 
judges dispose of all the litigation of more than six times onr population. 
The vast property and business conditions of England must also be thrown 
into the scale against us. 

Unless our judges and our lawyers are incompetent or worse there is 
something wrong in our administration of the courts. I'he first hypothesis 
is, of course, not to be considered. The alternative shonld be faced by the 
profession and by the public and reform achieved. The waste and burden of 
our over-technical procedure must cease. It has endured too long. 

Studie.s of the causes of wasteful expenditures in courts reveal 
the slow and serpentine course of personal damage suits which fill 
the dockets and blockade the roads of justice. Important commercial 
business must wait while, during long years some mutilated work- 
man, led by an ambulance-chasing lawyer, who is fed on hopes of 
immense contingent fees, fights his employer or a soulless casualty 
insurance company through court after court, in the end to accept 
the pittance which the attorneys are willing to leave him from the 
award. 

The ideal of justice is a prompt, certain and unbought indem- 

(266) 



The Logic of Social Insurance 



43 



nity; the actual fact is that under our employers' liability laws the 
indemnity for injury in occupation is subject to all the uncertainties 
of gambling, it comes, if ever, after long and painful waiting, and it 
is robbed of its value by the necessary costs of colleciion through the 
courts. There is no greater source of hatred for law and judicial 
process than this travesty and mockery of justice. The abuses of 
injunctions in case of strikes and boycotts are comparatively rare 
and easily remedied ; the wrongs legally perpetrated in damage suits 
are a matter of universal and daily experience. As soon as a work- 
man is injured and claims his indemnity in courts his employer may 
put him on a black list and persecute him to death ; and the very 
nature of the law produces this artificial and monstrous antagonism. 
Lawlessness and class hatred are the legitimate progeny of a pro- 
cedure w'hich has been rejected by every other great and civilized 
people. 

Curious and discouraging is the consequence of living for gen- 
erations under such an unfit law ; it has shaped our modes of reason- 
ing until we cannot think rationally on the actual demand of the situa- 
tion. We follow precedents of the past for a guide in a new and 
different economic world, and every step takes us further from our 
goal. Not only lawyers and judges, but aggressive business men and 
shrewd trade unionists think in terms set by antiquated regulations. 
Trade unions are spending their energy on making the employers’ 
liability law still more drastic and until recently, they have not 
faced the fact that progress in this direction is impossible. Whac 
they need is insurance of income in all cases of accident, whether 
from negligence of employer or from risk of the trade. \Vhat they 
want and ask is the chance to punish their employers in case of negli- 
gence only, and they are seeking to interpret “negligence” in a sense 
which it never had before, which is unjust now, and which will 
provoke still more conflict in the courts. 

Meantime, more by a refle.x movement of discomfort than from 
scientific guidance, employers and employees are performing all 
sorts of experiments with insurance. Blind and faulty as those 
gropings are, they must be made the starting point for a scientific 
and complete system in the future, as acorns produce oaks. 

The principle of association for mutual protection in the emer- 
gencies of existence manifests itself in the clubs and local benefit 
societies which are formed everywhere in the country. The negroes 

(267) 



44 



The Annals of the American Academy 



of the South have been led by the instinct of aggregation and the 
example of their white neighbors to pool their dues against the time 
of the funeral. Sometimes the undertaker is also secretary-treasurer 
of the pool, with results very similar to those known in the case of 
burial insurance benefits. 

The statistics of funds collected by these friendly groups on the 
basis of common occupation, race or religious ties, or mere neighbor- 
hood, will never be gathered ; but even partial surveys show vast sums 
and reveal heroic sacrifice and deeds of friendly service. The 
German imperial legislators have been wise enough to retain these 
features of local and personal moral bonds in their sickness insur- 
ance laws. In connection with illness something more is needed than 
mere money benefits ; a human touch of sympathy must be added by 
fraternal visitors ; and intimate acquaintance diminishes the tempta- 
tion to malingering almost as thoroughly as medical examinations. 

The fraternal societies, of national scope and with local lodges, 
all federated in the common interest, have, with slow and irregular 
march, educated millions of people in the elementary principles of 
social insurance. It is true these societies include many represen- 
tatives of the commercial and professional classes, but they are also 
popular with many groups of workingmen. They have demonstrated 
the possibilities of economy of administration where the ties of per- 
sonal association are strong through neighborly feeling, mystic sym- 
bols and religious faith. The Mutualists of France have shown that 
not only sickness insurance and death benefits but also old age pen- 
sions can be provided by this method — with proper governmental 
supervision and aid. 

Some of the trade unions have added insurance features of 
various kinds, and when members have good wages these have 
succeeded fairly well with sickness and burial benefit. The trade 
unions alone have achieved even a moderate success with unemploy- 
ment benefits. They have failed to insure the workmen who are on 
low and uncertain income. When a system of compulsory accident 
insurance has been organized the trade unions will be free to provide 
sickness and invalid insurance and additional income beyond the 
minimum which can be secured by law ; but they can never furnish 
adequate accident insurance, and society has no right to require 
them to carry a risk which is part of the real cost of production and 
should be borne wholly as part of the expenditures of production. 

(268) 



The Logic of Social Insurance 



45 



One principle has been taught to millions of persons by all these 
schemes of insurance — the principle of insurance as opposed to 
savings. The obsolescent doctrines of individualism and laissez- 
faire idolized the savings bank and the multitudes actually believed 
that by deposits of an average of one hundred dollars a year at 
3 per cent they could all become capitalist managers and gain a share 
in the profit funds. This illusion was cultivated for a long time by 
advocates of many ill-defined “profit-sharing” schemes. Of course, 
there was a large measure of truth in both these ideas, and much will 
still be made of them in the future. But hope of “rising” into the 
diminishing capitalist-manager class has been definitely abandoned 
by workingmen and people on salaries. Attention is turned to the 
value of association and insurance. The minute a man joins an 
insurance society he gains a claim on a fund which he could not 
“save” in twenty years. Furthermore, men are discovering that 
co-operation with others opens a finer way of life than depositing 
premiums to an individual account. 

From the point of view of social insurance the tendency to con- 
centrate manufactures, commerce and transportation in permanent 
corporations is an advantage ; partly because the responsible mana- 
gers of large enterprises must be far-seeing men, and partly because 
solid corporations can safely venture on schemes which require a 
long view and the accumulation of funds. It is precisely with the 
railway companies and the other huge corporations that we find the 
most rapid development of workingmen’s benefit and pension plans. 
It seems probable that these bodies will entrench themselves in their 
financial position by these means, because they will draw away from 
the less important managers their best workmen and hold them in 
their service with the prospect of serene and independent old age. 
These plans are developing so rapidly that statistics are soon obso- 
lete, and there is scarcely a good manufacturing or transportation 
company which is not employing legal and actuarial talent to recom- 
mend methods and legislation. To this course they are driven all 
the more by the tendency of legislatures to lay upon corporations, 
creations of the state, burdens of liability which they do not think 
of imposing on private employers. The consequence is that the direc- 
tors of large enterprises are looking about for a method which will at 
once conciliate employees and avoid the waste of litigation in 
damage suits. As progress comes by common imitation of examples 

(269) 



46 



The Annals of the American Academy 



set by princes and men in high place, we may reasonably look for a 
movement of smaller employers to secure the advantages of 
assembled capital through national insurance associations which will 
either furnish workmen’s collective policies or arrange for better 
terms with casualty companies. 

No voluntary system of social insurance can be economically 
administered, save upon a foundation of compulsory insurance. The 
reason is obvious and all the schemes mentioned illustrate the law. 
So long as accident insurance continues to be optional, many 
employers and employees will neglect organization and they will 
hamper or even defeat those who are willing to organize. 

Part of the difficulty in the United States is created by the 
existing law. Employers feel that they cannot afford to support 
accident insurance at their own cost so long as they are liable to pay 
heavy damages to injured workmen or fight them in the courts; and 
the law keeps them always in fighting mood. So long as part 
of the employers refuse to carry these extra premiums their com- 
petitors are economically compelled to follow their example. 

A compulsory insurance law would at one stroke of the pen 
remove the burden created by the present liability for negligence and 
the appalling wastes in casualty company fees and litigation ; and 
at the same time the amount now wasted or misdirected would be 
available for an accident and sickness insurance fund of vast magni- 
tude. At present an enormous sum is spent for soliciting business 
and settling claims by agents of casualty companies. This is all 
waste, because under compulsory insurance employers would seek 
the means of meeting their responsibilities and their protection could 
be “sold over the counter.’’ The managers of industries could then 
choose between the bids of casualty companies for workmen’s 
collective policies, or organize their own mutual insurance associa- 
tions. The premiums would fall to a legitimate rate and stockholders 
in casualty companies would no longer draw dividends from extor- 
tion, strife and blood money. 

That which is economically necessary and otherwise socially 
imperative will ultimately be found constitutional. In all our history 
there has been no exception to this rule ; although at every step into 
a brighter world judges have solemnly denied the possibility and 
great lawyers have turned back to their case books with a smile of 
pity for the philanthropists or bitter sarcasm for the agitators who 

(270) 



The Logic of Social Insurance 



47 



ruffled the calm sea of their complacent confidence in “natural law,” 
Coke, Blackstone and Company. 

Within the past year the federal government itself has broken 
up the “crust of custom” by enacting a law which provides compen- 
sation for certain classes of its own employees injured in the service ; 
and the pitifully inadequate compensation will be increased and 
extended. It is a splendid and persuasive example of justice which 
the general government has set before the several states and all 
employers of labor. The document is a light tower showing the 
future highway for all those who control the services of men who 
must live day by day on daily income. 

The assertion, based on nothing, that compulsory social insur- 
ance is “not American” is contrary to the most obvious facts of our 
history. W'e are a law-abiding people and love to make laws, and 
every statute and court ruling is compulsory. We are so used to 
compulsion in the common interest that we forget it, as we are 
unconscious of the atmosphere. It is' the vital element in which we 
enjoy freedom, security, order and opportunity. By compulsory laws 
we build and maintain roads and bridges, against the mean protests 
of the minority who would be content to stick in the mud. By com- 
pulsory laws we secure parks and pleasure grounds and secure the 
revenue by diverting money from the liquor traffic. Within the 
memory of the writer in the INIiddle West a large if not respectable 
minority railed at the public school laws as robbery, and insisted that 
any man had the right to bring up his offspring in brutish ignorance 
if he wished to do so. 

Compulsory taxation to relieve the ]>oor. the insane, the idiotic, 
the demented, the indigent old people is in the poor law of Great 
Britain, and the nations descended from it ; while republican France 
has recently adopted the principle and Italy is moving in the same 
direction. This means that the conscience of a modern nation will 
not permit a citizen, however inefficient or unworthy, to perish with- 
out an offer of at least a minimum supply of the necessities of life. 

We shall be logical. We shall discover that it is morally infamous 
to offer temporary asylum and a secure old age to wornout criminals, 
prostitutes, ignorant ne'er-do-wells, and degenerates, and deny 
shelter to honest workmen, except on terms revolting and debasing 

The popular campaign against tuberculosis has revealed to the 
common mind the meaning of the “police power” of the state, and 

(271) 



48 



The Annals of the American Academy 



the significance of public health administration. No man can be 
sick unto himself, especially in a crowded factory or tenement house. 
Those who are too ignorant, poor or negligent to keep well are taken 
in hand by the commissioner of health. Those who suffer from infec- 
tious diseases are isolated in special hospitals or warning bulletins 
are posted at the front door. It is notorious that people on low 
incomes go to physicians and dispensaries only in the last resort, 
from fear of expenses their income cannot meet. Society is discover- 
ing that neglected disease or wounds involve public loss and danger. 
How can we secure prompt and economic application to the medical 
profession without pauper relief? The answer comes from Ger- 
many : by compulsory and universal sickness insurance. There is 
no other answer. 

This is part of our reply to those who declaim against working- 
men's insurance as "class legislation.” It is not class legislation ; it 
is "social insurance,” because all members of society reap its advan- 
tages, just as rich men who send their children to private schools 
derive benefits from the public schools which educate the poorer 
neighbor. If an insured workman is injured he places himself 
instantly under expert medical advice, and is more surely and 
speedily restored to industrial efficiency, and so becomes again a 
producer of social wealth. 

Some of the individualists oppose compulsory insurance because 
it will "pauperize” wage earners. But neglected sickness is the 
broad and easy descent to pauperism, and it is by this route most 
paupers travel to their doom. Compulsory insurance is the best 
public health measure yet organized. 

Has anyone investigated the cost and moral degradation caused 
by the non-payment of medical service? It is notorious that physi- 
cians annually contribute millions of dollars to patients who will not 
or cannot pay ; but this is a compulsory tax on physicians, not always 
a cheerful philanthropy. Physicians cannot refuse the call of a 
wounded or sick citizen and cannot require advanced payments, as 
landlords and grocers can. Public opinion and the ethics of their 
profession require them to rise in the night and go through storms 
to help those who suffer, and this without hope of payment. 

This is unscientific and barbarous. Most of it is wholly unneces- 
sary. Physicians should have a social guarantee of payment, and 
honest men should not be obliged to pay for the dead beats. Under a 

(272) 



The Logic of Social Insurance 



49 



compulsory insurance law a fund for paying physicians and support- 
ing hospitals would be provided in advance and the cost would be 
equitably distributed. Several methods of providing the funds of 
social insurance are now under discussion and all of them have a 
chance of being put to the test of experiment, the final arbiter. We 
have already paid our compliments to the existing liability law based 
on the principle of tort, and we have found it condemned by every 
modern nation except our own, and even here admitted to be full of 
cruelty and waste. 

Massachusetts has passed a law (May, 1908) permitting 
employers to escape from the existing liability on condition that they 
adequately insure their employees — the principle embodied in the 
bill offered for educational purposes in 1907 by the Illinois Indus- 
trial Insurance Commission and opposed by the trade unions. Up 
to the time of writing this article, not a single employer in INIassachu- 
setts had thought it worth while to avail himself of this permissive 
law, and there is no reason in the nature of the case for hoping any 
general acceptance of the idea. 

The delegates to the International Congress on Social Insurance 
in 1908 were unanimously agreed that a minimum insurance can 
never in any country be secured to workmen without legal compul- 
sion. This conclusion is the result of more than a century of trial 
of all forms of voluntary insurance. Two schemes of compulsory 
law are now debated in this country, the British compensation law, 
and compulsory insurance. The compensation method is urged for 
the United States because it is English. But the British act is itself 
a pioneer experiment ; and, heretofore, as in the case of the poor 
laws and employers’ liability laws, we have imitated England after 
that nation had abandoned an untenable position. The compensation 
law has difficulties which do not inhere in insurance plans. Thus, if 
all employers are made liable to pay compensation in any case of 
injury, the payment would be ruinous to farmers and small manufac- 
turers. It is reported that in England this is so true that the com- 
pensation act is a dead letter among the petty manufacturers and 
farmers. 

But if the employees are required to pay a periodical premium 
of a small percentage of the wage rate, this would be made a part of 
the ordinary expense of business, and could be m«t by any house- 
holder, or any employer of workmen in shop or field. Our people are 

(273) 



50 



The Aimals of the American Academy 



already familar with the insurance principle, they have had the 
patient and genial instruction of life insurance agents, the most 
skilful and effective teachers of a great social principle whose ser- 
vices are not always treated with the reverence and grati- 
tude they deserve iu view of the results. With the principle 
of compensation we have no acquaintance unless the obnoxious law 
of liability for negligence may be so regarded, and that is now so 
associated with fraud, injustice and waste that it repels. 

Compensation laws are an indirect method of compelling 
employees to insure, when the direct way would be more simple, 
open, fair and economical. Compensation laws leave the thriftless 
and irresponsible employers uninsured to compete with employers 
who do insure, to the disadvantage of the more competent, at the 
same time leaving their own employees without protection. Under 
a straight and direct insurance law all employers are on a level and 
all employees are secure of protection. 

Furthermore, under a compulsory compensation law, if it stand 
alone, the state leaves the employers, especially the small employers, 
at the mercy of casualty companies without an alternative. It does 
not seem to the writer fair or safe to compel manv thousands of 
employers to carry a liability to pay heavy indemnities in case of 
accident or other injury without ample and well organized methods 
of distributing and providing for the risk by some insurance method. 
The state itself need not go into the insurance business. It should 
leave a perfectly free field for casualty companies. But the state 
should provide for the organization of mutual insurance associations 
of employers and for a certain fund of deposit which would relieve 
the individual employer from enormous liabilities, protect the em- 
ployees be}'ond a doubt, and provide wholesome competition with 
private insurance companies conducting business for profit. Advo- 
cates of the British compensation law are under moral obligations 
to remember its limitations. It bears the historic marks of its recent 
birth from the principal of tort on which the employers’ liability 
law is based; it provides indemnitv for injuries from accident and 
disease only so far as these arise directly out of the employment. 
But many injuries to health and soundness of body arise out of con- 
ditions quite apart from the occupation and place of employment, and 
for these also workmen need such protection as they can find only 
under a compulsory insurance system. 

(274) 



The Logic of Social Insurance 5! 

The fear is often expressed that if workmen are insured against 
accidents malingering will be introduced ; men will claim benefits on 
slight pretexts in order to enjoy a vacation. The apparent increase 
of slight injuries in Germany is cited in proof. The argument has 
little weight. l\Ien instinctively avoid pain and mutilation ; benefits 
never equal wages ; medical certificates can reduce the evil ; and, real 
as the danger is, it is not to be weighed against the well-known 
miseries of the present situation. Besides, malingering is already 
a familar fact in this country ; the trade unions and fraternal societies 
have plans for overcoming it. Under our employers’ liability laws 
the workmen very frequently threaten damage suits without legal 
ground in order to extort payments for injuries not due to employers’ 
negligence. If a careful investigation were made and statistics 
secured it would show that Germany has no monopoly of malinger- 
ing. The uncertainty of risk under our law is not merely the occa- 
sion of enormous costs for casualty insurance premiums, but, since 
the limit of practicable ’.nsurance is $5,000, and damages of $20,000 
to $30,000 are not unknown, the entire risk is not covered by insur- 
ance policies. This compels certain employers to pay higher interest 
for capital required in their business to cover the extra risk, and this 
is in addition to the loss occasioned by attendance on lawsuits and 
payments to workmen outside the award. 

Doctor Zacher, in a review of the discussions of the Inter- 
national Workingmen’s Congress at Rome, in October, igo8, has 
selected the chief points on which after years of heated discussion all 
parties seemed to be united. The delegates to this congress from 
England and France have stood for the principle of freedom and for 
voluntary organizations. Especially in France the “Mutualists” 
have long contested the tendency to break up their fraternal organi- 
zations and give to the state a monopoly in this sphere. Naturally, 
the casualty companies have been unwilling to be driven out of the 
field of accident and health insurance by the compulsory laws of the 
state. At Rome all these parties united upon the principle that com- 
pulsory insurance is absolutely necessary to secure a minimum in- 
come for working men in case of accident, sickness and invalidism. 

Luzzatti, formerly Italian Minister of Finance, confessed him- 
self a convert to the principle of compulsion because he had found 
that the most earnest efforts of the Italians to secure the great multi- 
tude of workers from pauperism on the voluntary principle had 

(275) 



52 



The Annals of the American Academy 



failed. Even with the help of a state subsidy the voluntary associa- 
tions had been able to insure only 200,000 persons, and most of those 
connected with the state employments, out of 12,000,000 persons who 
under a compulsory law would have been insured. Therefore, he 
was of the conviction that without legislative complusion the pur- 
pose of insurance cannot be reached. As compulsory school educa- 
tion was a necessity for the intellectual education of the masses, so 
compulsory insurance was necessary for their economic 'education. 
The fear that compulsory insurance would hinder the development 
of the free activities of associations had been allayed by the aston- 
ishing successes of Germany. And in France, Mabilleau, the leader 
of the French Mutualists, had reached the conclusion that without 
legal compulsion the societies of mutual benefit could not be suc- 
cessful in the field of sickness and invalid insurance. Luzzatti made 
a suggestion which seemed to be accepted by all, that compulsory 
insurance offers only the indispensable minimum income ; while in 
order to advance to the maximum voluntary insurance must be 
brought to bear. Between these two poles the free initiative of the 
individual and the autonomy of voluntary organizations had a wide 
field for action. 

The congress at Rome discussed also the important matter of 
education and training of expert officers for insurance organizations. 
This is a matter which must receive attention in the universities of 
the United States. We have naturally given more attention to life 
and fire insurance because thought on these matters was better 
systematized and because material for study was near at hand. But 
already our great corporations have begun to introduce the voluntary 
associations of insurance and legislatures are asking for information, 
and very soon there will be a considerable demand for persons 
thoroughly trained in the scientific aspects of workingmen’s insur- 
ance in all its branches. In this connection too great emphasis can- 
not be laid upon the importance of teaching the medical students 
their duties in relation to the different schemes of insurance. The 
medical profession will be called upon more and more to administer 
the various schemes of accident and invalid insurance, and there are 
many technical questions of great interest with which they ought to 
be familiar in addition to their purely professional duties. Courses of 
instruction in social insurance should, therefore, speedily be added 
to the curriculum of our medical students. The field of industrial 

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The Logic of Social hisurance 



53 



diseases alone demands much larger attention than it has hitherto 
received from the medical profession in this country, and only the 
physicians have the knowledge which will enable them to act as 
inspectors for insurance agencies. The staff of factory inspectors 
should include men and women of suitable medical training. 

The international congress has given considerable discussion to 
the insurance of mothers, and it is apparent that in our industrial 
cities provision must be made for those women who have the double 
care of infant life and of earning means to support the family. 
It is not too much to say that degeneration in large groups of modern 
city dwellers is one of the serious problems of our time. Unemploy- 
ment insurance will not be touched upon here. Hitherto the United 
States have been very scantily represented in this international move- 
ment, but measures were taken at the last congress for organizing 
an American committee. 

Compulsory compensation or insurance is an inevitable and cer- 
tain result of measures already taken by leading employers. The 
greatest managers have already entered seriously upon a policy of 
insurance in some form, though. ever so inadequate and crude; and 
every manager who assumes financial burdens in this direction finds 
his pecuniary interest threatened by those less intelligent, progressive 
and humane. What must be the effect? The only means of equal- 
izing the burden is by legislation compelling all employers to bear the 
same load, and preventing the meanest and most narrow-minded 
from deriving an advantage over the best employees. Therefore, 
every voluntary scheme which is introduced brings one more power- 
ful ally to the cause of compulsory insurance. 



(277) 



CONDITION OF LABOR IN SOUTHERN COTTON MILLS 



By Lewis W. Parker, 
Treasurer, Monaghan Mills, Greenville, S. C. 



No understanding of the present labor conditions in the cotton 
mills of the South can be had without an appreciation of conditions 
previous to the development of the cotton mill industry. Prior to 
the war, and until twenty-five years thereafter, the South, and partic- 
ularly that portion of it in which the large majority and the most 
successful of the cotton mills are situated, was purely agricultural. 
No manufacturing industries could be found therein, and the people 
were wholly dependent upon such a scanty living as could be drawn 
from the soil. Indeed, manufacturing was discouraged. As late 
as 1845 William Gregg, who founded what has since become one of 
the most successful cotton factories in the South, addressed to the 
legislature of South Carolina a most able argument entitled “An 
Inquiry as to the Propriety of Granting Charters of Incorporation 
for Manufacturing and other purposes in South Carolina.” Prior 
to that time, and indeed for many years thereafter, manufacturing 
was discouraged, as the leaders in thought believed that agriculture 
encouraged the development of the better class of citizenship. 

It was not until subsequent to 1880 that there was any consider- 
able impetus to cotton manufacturing in the South. The State of 
South Carolina was most pronounced in its development of this in- 
dustry, and is to-day the leading southern state in the industry, and 
second only to Massachusetts in the whole Union. In 1880, the total 
capital invested in cotton manufacturing in South Carolina was 
$2,776,100. By 1907 this amount was increased to $103,821,919, and 
it is safe to say that to-day it has risen to approximately $110,000,- 
000, or nearly forty-fold in less than thirty years. In 1880, the 
number of employees engaged in the industry was 2,018; in 1890, 
8,071 ; in 1907, 54,887, and it is safe to say that to-day the number 
approximates 60,000. In a period therefore of less than thirty years, 
the number of employees has been increased thirty-fold. The U. S. 
Census of 1900 gave to the State of South Carolina a population 
of 1,340,316, of which population 1,279,572 had been born within 

(278) 



Condition of Labor in Southern Cotton Mills 55 

the state, and only 60,774 born without the state, and of these 
latter, 13,544 had been born in Georgia, 29,541 in Xorth Carolina 
and 2,926 in Virginia. The emigration from these three states was 
to a very large extent immigration to cotton mill communities, and 
the influx was from the mountainous sections of the three states 
named. To-day the total number of residents in the cotton mill 
villages cannot be far from 200,000, and as all of these are white, 
they represent fully one-fourth of the white population of the state. 
The cotton mill employees have not been drawn from other manu- 
facturing industries or from alien communities but they are of the 
same class and type as the remaining white population of the state. 

With relation to their previous lives, they may be divided into 
three classes. First and the largest proportion, are those who have 
come from the mountainous sections of X^orth Carolina. South Caro- 
lina, \^irginia and Georgia, with a small proportion from the moun- 
tains of Tennessee; second there are those who have been drawn 
from the country surrounding the cotton mills ; hitherto engaged in 
agriculture ; and third, those who. having been unfortunate in other 
pursuits, have found in the cotton mills a means of livelihood. The 
first class is by all means the largest ; the second class represents a 
fair proportion — say one-third of the employees, and the last class 
represents a small proportion — say one-tenth. The first class are the 
descendants of the first settlers in the mountains, whose ancestors 
settled there probably a century ago, and whose descendants eked 
out a living by the pursuit of agriculture. They lived in most 
primitive style, and had few advantages socially and educationally. 
The second class represent to a large extent the tenants of small 
farms, who, after years of trial, found they could not make on 
rented land a living for their families. The third class are often 
representative of some of the best families in the state, who were 
driven by misfortune to industrial labor. 

A very large proportion of the employees therefore came to 
the mills without previous experience in the new life they were to 
lead. Isolated on the farms and in the mountains, their lives had 
been individual as contrasted with the communal, and after their 
congregation in the mill village it has necessarily taken some time 
for them to adjust themselves to new conditions. The necessity of 
this adjustment, however, has been one of the problems of the man- 
agers of the industry. In the very first stages of the development, 

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The Annals of the American Academy 



5C> 

in the eighties, the corporations recognized the necessity of educa- 
tion of their employees, and, with tlie construction of the first mills, 
we find the building of schoolhouses and churches. Experience, 
however, has taught the managers of these corporations that they 
had to go even farther in the development of their employees, and 
the more successful and largest corix>rations have given most care- 
ful consideration to this subject. At many of the larger factories, 
kindergartens have been instituted for the purpose of educating and 
developing the younger children, as also for the giving of relief to 
the mothers of families during the liours in which the children are 
in attendance upon the kindergarten ; Y. ]\I. C. A. and similar insti- 
tutions have been encouraged in order to mold the characters of 
the young men, and Y. \V. C. A. and similar associations have been 
encouraged for a like purpose with the young women. Trained 
nurses, in a number of instances, are maintained in the mill villages 
in order to instruct the employees in the methods of caring for the 
sick and in all matters of health and hygiene. Night schools have 
l)een instituted in many villages in order to give education to those 
who, in the period in which they ordinarily would have secured edu- 
cation, had not the advantages thereof and in short, most of the 
well managed corporations of the state, and I believe of the South 
at large — though my familiarity with conditions is confined largely 
to the State of South Carolina — have recognized that in order to 
secure the development of the industry which is desired, it is neces- 
sary first to develop and educate employees. This development 
has not been in any sense from a paternalistic idea or from any 
desire to do for the cmj)loyees that which had best be done by them, 
Imt there has simply been a recognition of tbe fact that their em- 
ployees have not had opportunities to know another character of 
living and that ideals must be set for them. I cannot express the 
view of these managers better than has been done by Professor 
William P. Few, Dean and Professor of English in Trinity College, 
North Carolina, in a recent article appearing in the “South Atlantic 
Quarterly,” entitled “The Constructive Philanthropy of a South- 
ern Cotton Mill,” in which he says; 

“Through church, school, library, public lectures and private 
instruction, personal sympathy and example, through wholesome 
conditions and attractive surroundings, the management is seeking 
to educate and elevate not only the children of the community, but 

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Condition of Labor in Southern Cotton Mills 



57 



also the whole population, the grown-ups as well as the young. 
Through all of these processes and by the use of these most ap- 
proved methods, I believe a general tendency is being created that 
is improving and uplifting the community. higher standard of 
living is being set and this will be a controlling influence in many 
an individual life and in many a home.” 

That the southern manufacturer has been correct in his concep- 
tion of the ef¥ect of the policy pursued is proved not only by the 
enormous increase of the industry in recent years, but also by the 
character of the work which is being done in the industry. The 
writer has been connected with cotton manufacturing only ten 
years, but during that period he has seen a great change in the char- 
acter of the product of southern mills. Ten years ago, the South 
had demonstrated its ability to monopolize the coarser grades 
of cotton cloth, but it was stated then in all earnestness by able man- 
ufacturers of other sections that the South would be confined by its 
climate and by the character of its employees to this coarser prod- 
uct. Barely ten years ago, the writer was told by one of the most 
successful of eastern manufacturers that the East had no reason to 
fear the development of the South in print cloth and higher numbers, 
as the South could not successfully manufacture such numbers for 
the causes stated. To-day a very large proportion of print cloths 
are manufactured in the South, and the proportion is steadily in- 
creasing. Likewise, it has been demonstrated that in even much 
finer cloths and yarns, the South can compete successfully, and I 
think the next few years will find many southern mills in active 
competition with New Bedford and similar eastern centers in the 
production of the finest class of cotton goods. To accomplish this 
result, there has been needed not alone the education of employees, 
though this has been a primal factor, but the manufacturers them- 
selves have had to become in a way educated. To those accustomed 
to find trained business men and mechanics at the head of large indus- 
trial establishments it must be a puzzle to consider the character of 
men who are at the head of southern cotton mills, and who are suc- 
ceeding in the industry. A study of the previous occupation of these 
men shows them to have been lawyers, doctors, merchants, ministers 
of the gospel, planters, and indeed everything but cotton manufac- 
turers. Only a very small proportion of these managers, previous 
to their connection with the corporations which they instituted and 

(281) 



58 



The Annals of the American Academy 



the plants which they developed, had any experience whatever in 
cotton manufacturing and a very large proportion had no experience 
in active business. For the successful development, therefore, of 
the industry, it has been necessary to educate all connected there- 
with, from the president down to the sweeper in the mill. 

The effect of the education and improvement of the operatives, 
and of the higher character of product towards which the industry 
is gradually being developed, can best be illustrated by its effect 
upon the wages of the employees. In the year 1902, Mr. August 
Kohn, a correspondent of the “News and Courier,’’ a leading news- 
]>aper in South Carolina, published a ])amphlet in which the condi- 
tions in South Carolina cotton mills were carefully and fully 
reviewed. Five years thereafter, or in 1907, he again, as correspon- 
dent of the same paper, published a second pamphlet, reviewing 
tlicse conditions in the latter year. His analysis of the average pay 
of the employees is interesting. The wages in June were: 1902, 
76 cents per day; 1903, 88 cents per day: 1904, 97 cents per day: 
1905, $1.03 per day ; 1906, $1.10 per day ; 1907, $1.23 per day. 

Whilst, therefore, the increase has been steady and continuous, 
the wage will l)e recognized as still comparatively low, unless con- 
sideration is taken of the large proportion of minors and women in 
the employment, and unless comparison is made with the wages 
commonly paid in the community in other classes of work. In the 
article referred to, by Professor Few, he says, “The wage is higher 
than the wage paid the ordinary day laborer in the community,’’ 
and in this conclusion I agree with him from a practical knowledge. 
The wages of cotton mill employees the world over are low, com- 
pared to skilled mechanics. No great skill is required of the average 
cotton mill operative — only activity of action and nimbleness of 
finger. But whether the scale of wages be high or low, it is never- 
theless true that it is higher than the employee could secure in any 
other pursuit open to him, and all things must be judged relatively. 
If, as I believe, the wage is somewhat lower than that paid in 
northern factories, the answer is that the cost of living in the South 
is correspondingly lower. Indeed, the writer has had a number of 
employees go North into northern factories, and return with the 
statement that they found the net results of a day’s work to them 
after deduction of expenses, greater in the southern mills than in the 
northern. Certain it is that the wages are sufficiently high to have 

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Condition of Labor in Southern Cotton Mills 



59 



attracted to the industry a very large proportion of the white popu- 
lation of the State of South Carolina and to have had this effect the 
wages must have been greater than this population could have 
secured in any other work. 

Criticism of southern mill conditions is usually directed to two 
subjects, viz., the general character of the employees and secondly, 
the proportion of child labor. As to the first, it can only be said that 
from the evidence of well-advised and impartial students, the char- 
acter of the employees is being steadily raised, and is superior to that 
in their former life. This is the verdict of such investigators as Miss 
Gertrude Beeks, secretary of the welfare department of the National 
Civic Federation ; of Mrs. Ellen Foster, a well-known authority in 
sociology, who as an employee of the government, made a report to 
the President of the United States to this effect; of Dr. P. H. Gold- 
smith, the minister of the historic First Church in Salem, iMassa- 
chusetts, who whilst a native of the South, has spent most of his 
adult years in the North. In a series of articles appearing in 1908 
in the “Boston Evening Transcript,’’ Doctor Goldsmith wrote as 
follows: “The only just comparison is between their present and 
their past state. In going through mills of the Piedmont section 
recently, I invariably saw the best-looking people, the most intelli- 
gent workmen, the brightest and happiest children, and cheeks pos- 
sessing the most color, in the factories of longest establishment.” 
The same conclusion is reached by Professor Pew in the article 
referred to. 

With regard to child labor, there is no doubt that at certain 
stages in the development of the industry the proportion of children 
in the mills was unduly large, and was unfortunate. The reasons for 
this, however, were two-fold. In the first place, when the family 
came to the mill village, the older members of the family were unfit 
for the most skilful parts of the work. The father had acquired 
habits which made it impossible for him to be active and quick 
enough to be a spinner or weaver. His fingers had been so gnarled 
and roughened by agricultural work as to be unsuitable for the tying 
of small threads. He could earn only the wage of the common 
laborer, and no one could supply the places in the factory requiring 
an active and nimble finger, except the younger members of the 
family. Again, these could be secured at low wage, and many man- 
ufacturers were misled into the belief that a low wage was neces- 

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sarily an incident to a low cost of production. In the progress of 
the industry, and in the succession of years, a new generation is 
growing up, and the mills have found it practicable and advisable 
to supplant the younger children by youths and adults. The propor- 
tion of children of tender age — say fourteen years and under — in 
employment in the mills now, for the reasons above, is very much 
less than it was five or ten years ago, and this proportion, irrespec- 
tive of legislation, will continue to grow less. The child is the most 
expensive employee that the mill has. From the writer’s experience, 
the mill can well afford to pay more per piece or per machine for 
work done by the adult than for similar work done by the young 
child. A spinner, for instance, who is paid by the machine, or by 
the “side,” as it is called, taking, in print cloth numbers, say twelve 
sides, is a much more economical employee to the mill than a child 
who is paid the same price per side and who takes only four or six 
sides. The results to the mill of the day's work are much better in 
the case of the adult than the child, and experience in this has tended 
of itself to decrease the number of children in employment. In addi- 
tion to this fact, the bettered circumstances of the family have tended 
to the same effect. In the pamphlet referred to by Mr. Kohn, he 
says, “ With the increase of wage there has been a corresponding 
decrease of employment of children. This effect will continue until 
in my judgment the proportion of objectionably young children in 
the mills will altogether cease.” I differ, therefore, altogether from 
those who would proclaim that there is a constant increase of the 
employment of children in southern cotton mills. My conclusion 
would be exactly the reverse and this conclusion will be borne out 
by the census of the United States, I believe, as it is by careful statis- 
ticians such as i\Ir. Kohn. The latter, in referring to the question of 
employment of children in South Carolina, said, “The more I study 
the question, the more I become convinced that the tendency of the 
outsider was to exaggerate the number of children in the mills, and 
the tendency of the mill presidents was to keep the children out of 
the mills, if for no other than for economic reasons.” 

That the manufacturers of South Carolina are sincere in their 
desire and intention of keeping the young children out of the mills is 
proven by their course with regard to legislation. No persons in the 
state have been more persistent in their advocacy of a general com- 
pulsory school law than have the manufacturers. With the election 

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Condition of Labor in Southern Cotton Mills 



6i 



of each new legislature for the past six or more years, these manu- 
facturers have presented to the legislature a petition, seeking the 
enactment of laws requiring the compulsory education of children. 
At a meeting of the Cotton Manufacturers’ Association of South 
Carolina, held but a few weeks ago, a resolution was adopted, 
memorializing the legislature to pass a compulsory school law, 
requiring the attendance of all children under the age of fourteen 
years, and stating that in the judgment of the manufacturers, such a 
law would be the most effective child labor law which could be 
passed, and furthermore stating that if such a law were passed, the 
manufacturers would make no objection whatever to the passage 
of a child Jabor bill forbidding the employment of children, in cotton 
mills, under the age of fourteen. In other words, the manufacturers 
have believed, in common with many thinking people in other com- 
munities, that a compulsory education law was a proper and neces- 
sary incident to a child labor law, and have urged the enactment of 
the two bills at the same time. At the present time, the child labor law 
in South Carolina prohibits only the employment of children under 
twelve. The manufacturers of the state are willing to raise this age 
limit to fourteen, if legislation to this effect be accompanied by a 
compulsory school law. In any event, there can be no question in 
the mind of any impartial student of conditions that there is a steady 
decrease in the proportion of children employed, and this decrease 
will continue for the reasons outlined. It is most unfortunate that 
many who are honestly seeking the prohibition of child labor should 
find it necessary to greatly exaggerate its present evils. For illus- 
tration, a very general impression has been created by writers upon 
and critics of southern cotton mills that it was usual in all the 
southern states to work children at night. Just criticism of this 
practice may be made of some states, but as to South Carolina, 
the incorrectness of such a view is apparent, when it is known that 
there are practically no mills in South Carolina operating at night. 
The writer thinks that he is familiar with the large proportion of 
mills in the state, and certainly lives and operates mills in that 
section in which the industry is most thriving, and in which the 
largest number of plants are located. Yet, to his knowledge, there is 
not in the counties of Spartanburg, Anderson and Greenville, in 
which are a large majority of the spindles of the state, a single mill 
operating at night, and he knows of but two plants in the whole state 

(285) 



62 



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— and these are of but comparatively small size — which operate at 
night. The manufacturers have not sought to prevent legislation 
prohibiting the employment of children at night, and without objec- 
tion on their part, and indeed, on their recommendation, there was 
passed several years ago a bill prohibiting the employment of 
children under the age of twelve, between the hours of seven p. m. 
and six a. m. ; and there is now pending before the legislature a 
bill, which is meeting with no objection on their part, prohibiting 
the employment of children under the age of sixteen years between 
such hours. 

The condition of the employee in southern mills is steadily 
improving, and the percentage and number of young children in 
employment is steadily decreasing. These two results must be a 
cause of congratulation to the people of the whole Union, as unques- 
tionably they are to the people of the southern states. These 
results have lieen certainly to a very large measure consequent upon 
the work of the manufacturers themselves. 

In conclusion, I would cpiote again from the article of Professor 
Few, already referred to, in which he says, “Much still remains to be 
done, but this is not going to be done by crude, unfair or evil-minded 
agitators, or by well-meaning but ill-informed sentimentalists. The 
working out through actual experience, step by step, as is being done 
by the mill referrecl to, of the hard problems of factory life, is worth 
more than any amount of vague theorizings of idealists,” 



(286) 



RECENT MASSACHUSETTS LABOR LEGISLATION* 



By F. Spencer Baldwin, Pn.D., 
Professor of Economics, Boston University. 



In her monograph on Massachusetts Labor Legislation, pub- 
lished in 1901, Dr. Sarah Scoville Whittelsey brought the story of 
the development of the labor code of this state down to the end of 
the legislative year of 1900. Since then there have been compara- 
tively few important enactments. IMost of this later labor legis- 
lation is supplementary and amendatory, extending or reinforcing 
existing provisions of law. The educational requirements applying 
to employed children have been strengthened ; the legal work-time for 
women and minors has been reduced ; the regulations concerning 
sanitation and other matters have been extended, and the system of 
factory inspection has been improved. Much of the new legislation 
relates to subjects of minor importance. Perhaps the most notable 
additions to the labor code are the acts establishing free employment 
bureaus, providing for the extension of industrial education, and 
instituting a system of savings bank insurance. 

I. Extending and Amending Legislation 
I. Child Labor 

The age limit for the employment of children has not been 
raised since 1898, when it was fixed at fourteen years. ^ This 
limit applies to mercantile establishments, as well as to factories 
and workshops. The educational restrictions as to the employment 
of children between the ages of fourteen and sixteen years have been 
stiffened considerably. By the legislation of 1898 age and schooling 
certificates were required as a condition of employment in the case of 
all children under sixteen years of age. The employer is required 
to keep such certificates on file and accessible to the truant officers 
and factory inspectors.- By an amendment of 1905 the additional 

♦This paper is based on material collected in the course of an investigation 
undertaken for the Carnegie Institution at Washington. Division of Economics and 
Sociology. 

'Revised Laws, Chapter 106, Section 28. * 

2Rev’‘'"ed Laws, Chapter 100, Section 20. 

(287) 



64 



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requirement was imposed that no child under sixteen years of age 
should be employed who could not produce a certificate attesting his 
ability to read and write simple sentences in the English language.® 
That is, prior to 1905 the mere production of a certificate of age and 
school attendance was sufficient to legalize the employment of a 
child under sixteen years of age ; the amended restriction calls for a 
certificate of ability to read and write, not merely of attendance at 
school. Not only are children between the ages of fourteen and six- 
teen who cannot read and write excluded from employment; they 
are also obliged to attend school.^ In the case of minors over sixteen 
years of age who cannot furnish a certificate of literacy, regular 
attendance at day or night school is required as a condition of em- 
ployment, under the provisions of an act applying to all minors over 
fourteen years of age passed in 1902.® By an amendment of 1905 it 
is provided that no age or school certificate shall be approved unless 
a certificate of birth or baptism or other sworn evidence of age is 
produced. This provision was designed to check the troublesome 
connivance of children and parents of the foreign classes to evade the 
law by false statements concerning the children’s ages.® 

The machinery for enforcing the age and educational require- 
ments of the child-labor laws has been further improved by an act 
relative to the illegal employment of minors and the duties of truant 
officers, passed in 1906.” This act increased the penalties for viola- 
tion of the law and extended the pow'ers of the officials entrusted 
with enforcement. It provides that “whoever employs a minor under 
the age of sixteen years, and whoever procures or, having under his 
control a minor under such age, permits such minor to be employed 
in violation of the provisions ... of the revised laws . . . 
shall for each offence be punished by a fine of not more than three 
hundred dollars or by imprisonment ; and whoever continues to 
employ a minor . . . after being notified by a truant officer or by an 
inspector of factories and public buildings, shall for every day there- 
after while such employment continues, be punished by a fine of 
not less than twenty or more than one hundred dollars or by impris- 
onment for not more than six months.” This statute instructs inspec- 

^Aets of 1905, Chapter 267. 

■‘Acts of 1905, Chapter 320. 

^Acts of 1902, Chapter 183. 

*Acts of 1905, Chapter 21.3. 

’Acts of 1906, Chapter 499. 



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Recent Massachusetts Labor Legislation 



65 



tors of factories and public buildings to visit establishments and 
ascertain whether any minors are employed contrary to the law. 
It also empowers truant officers to apprehend and take to school 
without a warrant any minor under sixteen years of age who is 
illegally employed. Finally, the law authorizes factory inspectors 
and truant officers to require the production of age and schooling 
certificates and lists of employed minors for their inspection at any 
time, and provides for punishment, by a fine of not less than ten or 
more than one hundred dollars, of any corporation or individual 
refusing to produce certificates upon demand. 

The present provisions for the enforcement of the age and 
educational restrictions upon the employment of minors are as effect- 
ive as could well be devised. The enforcement is entrusted primarily 
to the factory inspectors, of whom there are now fourteen, acting 
under the direction of the chief of the district police of the state.® 
The inspectors are aided in their work by the truant officers of the 
cities and the towns. This system of co-operation between the police 
and the school officials makes for effective enforcement. The factory 
inspectors have discovered only very few instances of violation or 
evasion of the child-labor laws. In their annual reports they have 
declared repeatedly that the laws are observed most satisfactorily. 
All the available evidence goes to show that the enforcement of these 
laws is exceptionally thorough and that cases of violation or evasion 
are extremely rare. 

2. Employment of Women and Minors 

The provisions relating to the employment of women and minors 
have been extended and reinforced since 1900. In 1908 the maxi- 
mum limit of the weekly work-time for this class of employees was 
reduced from fifty-eight hours, as fixed in 1892, to fifty-six hours in 
the case of manufacturing and mechanical establishments ; except 
that in establishments in which employment is by seasons the number 
of working hours in a week may exceed fifty-six, but not fifty-eight, 
provided that the total number of working hours in the year shall 
not exceed an average of fifty-six hours a week for the whole year, 
excluding Sundays and holidays.® This fifty-six hour limit, it should 

*Tliere are also thirteen building inspectors, who assist in enforcing the pro- 
visions reiating to the construction of factories. The enforcement of the sanitary 
provisions of the labor code is entrusted to the state inspectors of health. 

“Acts of 1908, Chapter 64.1. 



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be observed, does not apply to mercantile establishments, for which 
the old fifty-eight-hour limit, as fixed in 1900, still holdsd" The act 
of that year excepted retail shops from the fifty-eight-hour restric- 
tion during Christmas week, but an amendment of 1904 repealed 
this exception, making the application of the fifty-eight-hour law 
general throughout the year.” 

The maximum limit of ten hours for the daily work- time in 
manufacturing and mercantile establishments, as first set for factories 
in 1874 and extended to mechanical establishments in 1883, also 
-emains unchanged.^- Manufacturing and mechanical establishments 
are, however, permitted to employ women and minors more than ten 
hours in one day when that is necessary to provide for a shorter 
workday on one day of the week, or to make up time lost on a pre- 
vious day of the same week in consequence of the stopping of 
machinery. The ten-hour restriction, like the fifty-six-hour week, 
does not apply to mercantile establishments. 

The question of overtime employment for women and minors 
has been much agitated in recent years. In 1890 it was enacted that 
no woman or minor should be employed in manufacturing between 
ten o’clock at night and six o'clock in the morning.'^ This restric- 
tion was not sufficient to satisfy the labor interests. Complaints 
regarding abuses of overtime work, especially in the textile cities, 
became loud and insistent. In 1904 a bill prohibiting the employ- 
ment of women and minors in textile establishments between six 
o’clock at night and six o’clock in the morning was passed by both 
branches of the legislature, but was vetoed by Governor John L. 
Bates. In his veto message” the Governor declared that the pro- 
posed restriction was not needed to correct any real abuse, and would 
work hardship to both employers and employed. He asserted that 
the factories were not run in the evening except when some extraor- 
dinary emergency demanded night work in order to fill contracts, 
and he argued that if the manufacturers were deprived of the right 
to operate their establishments in the evening when market condi- 
tions required it, they would be seriously crippled in competition with 
manufacturers outside the state. He pointed out that Massachusetts 

“Acts of 1900, Chapter f!78. 

''Chapter .397 of the Acts of 1904. 

'^See for the present law on this subject Acts of 1902, Chapter 4.35. 

"Acts of 1890, Chapter 183. 

"See Acts and Resolves of 1904, pages 594 to 597, 

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Recent Massachusetts Labor Legislation 67 

had already gone further than other states in the enactment of labor 
legislation. The textile industry at that time, he stated, was in no 
condition to stand further burdens. In 1904 Governor Bates was 
defeated in his campaign for re-election, and the dissatisfaction 
caused by this veto in the industral centers was generally regarded 
as an important factor in this result. The agitation for the over- 
time bill was pushed more vigorously than before, and in 1907 tbe 
measure became a law. The new law provides that no person and 
no agency or officer of a person or corporation engaged in the manu- 
facture of textile goods shall employ any minor under eighteen 
years of age, or any woman, before six o’clock in the morning or 
after six in the evening.^® 

3. Hours of Labor 

The nine-hour day established in 1893 for public employees 
was reduced to eight hours in 1906.^” Various amendments to 
prevent evasion of this act were adopted the following year.^‘ 
Another act relating to hours of labor .should be cited here, namely, 
the act of 1907 which provides for one day’s rest in seven. This 
measure prohibits, with certain permitted exceptions, the employ- 
ment of workers engaged in commercial and industrial operations 
and in the work of transportation or communication upon the Lord’s 
Day, unless the employee in question is allowed during the six days 
next following twenty-four consecutive hours without labor. 

4. Payment of IVagcs 

In 1906 and 1907 certain minor amendments of the weekly pa}-- 
ment act,^® which dates from 1886, were adopted, and in 1906 new leg- 
islation regulating the assignment of wages was passed. Methods 
of extending credit to wage earners had been devised, by means of 
unlimited power of attorney, which resulted in placing the future 
earnings of the debtor, without reasonable limit as to time or amount, 
in the hands of the holder of this power. The law requiring weekly 
payment had thus been partially nullified. The act of 1906 provided 

^“Acts of 1907. Chaptei’ 2C7. 

“Acts of 1906, Chapter ,517. 

“Acts of 1907, Chapters 269 and 570. 

“Acts of 1907, Chapter 577. 

“Acts of 1906, Chapter 427 ; Acts of 1907, Chapter 193. 

“Acts of 1906. Chapter 390. 



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that no assignment of future wages should be valid for a period 
exceeding two years from date, nor unless made to secure a debt con- 
tracted before the execution of the assignment, nor unless executed 
in writing in the form prescribed in the act and signed by the 
assignor in person and not by attorney. It was also provided that a 
copy of the assignment should be delivered to the assignor and his 
employer as a condition of the validity of the agreement. This act 
checked the worst abuses that had arisen in connection with the 
assignment of wages. 

5. Sanitation 

Various measures proposing additional sanitary requirements 
for manufacturing establishments have been passed since 1900.'^ 
An amendment of the law regulating the manufacture of clothing 
in tenement houses, passed in 1905, requires every person, firm or 
corporation doing business with tenement house clothing workers 
to keep a register of their names and addresses, and to forward a 
copy of this once a month to the chief of the district police. -- 

A noteworthy extension of the machinery for the enforcement 
of the sanitary provisions of the labor code was made in 1907 by the 
act providing for the establishment of health districts and the employ- 
ment of inspectors of health.-® This act divides the commonwealth 
into health districts not more than fifteen in number, each under the 
charge of a state inspector of health acting under the direction of the 
State Board of Health. These health inspectors are entrusted with 
the enforcement of the sanitary provisions of the labor code. They 
are also charged with general supervision of health conditions in 
their districts. The law orders the inspector to inform himself 
concerning all influences dangerous to the public health ; to gather 
information concerning the supervision of tuberculosis and other 
diseases, and to take steps for their eradication ; to investigate the 
conditions of employment in factories, and to call the attention of 
parents and employers and the State Board of Health to cases of 
physical unfitness on the part of employed minors. This law 
promises much for the better enforcement of the labor code and the 
scientific improvement of the public health. 

^^Acts of 1902, Chapter 322 ; Acts of 1903, Chapter 475 ; Acts of 1906, Chapter 

260 . 

“Acts of 1905, Chapter 238. 

“Acts of 1907, Chapter 537. 

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69 



6. Employer s Liability 

The Employer’s Liability Law, as enacted in 1887 and amended 
in minor particulars by several later acts, has not worked to the 
satisfaction of either employers or employed.-^ Employers complain 
of the large amount of litigation forced upon them and of the ten- 
dency of juries to award liberal verdicts against them. Employees 
assert that the law does not afford the workingman fair and certain 
compensation for injury. They declare that the method of compen- 
sation provided is slow and expensive, since they are denied speedy 
trials on account of the crowded court dockets, and are obliged to 
fight not only employers but liability insurance companies, in order 
to obtain damages under the act. They urge that the present system 
tends to separate employer and employee and to obstruct the estab- 
lishment of friendly relations between the two classes. 

Numerous proposals for the amendment of the employer’s 
liability act have been introduced in the legislature from time to 
time. This question was considered by the committee on relations 
between employer and employee in 1903, and the joint special com- 
mittee on labor in 1907.^® The former recommended a workmen’s 
compensation act modelled after the British law. This bill has been 
before the legislature each year since 1904, but has made no progress 
toward enactment. The majority of the committee of 1907 proposed 
a measure providing for the voluntary establishment of plans of 
compensation by employers under the direction of the State Board 
of Arbitration and Conciliation. This bill was passed by the legis- 
lature in 1908.-® The law provides that any employer of labor may 
submit to the State Board of Arbitration and Conciliation a plan of 
compensation for persons in his employ, providing for payments to 
them in the event of injury in the course of their employment, 
based on a certain percentage of tbe average earnings of the 
employees. If approved by tbe state board, the plan may be put in 
operation by contract between the employer and his employees, 
under which the latter shall release the former from legal liability 
in case of injury and accept instead the compensation provided in 
the plan. It is, of course, too early to determine to what extent 

“‘Revised Laws, Chapter lOG, Sections 71 to 79. 

“See report of Committee on Relations Between Employer and Employee, pages 
36 to 56. Also Report of the .Joint Special Committee on Labor, pages 49 to 76. 

“Acts of 1908, Chapter 489. 

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employers will make use of this permissive enactment. At the 
present writing no application for the approval of a plan of compen- 
sation has been received at the office of the State Board of Arbitra- 
tion and Conciliation.-" The law was passed in the hope of quieting 
the agitation for a general workmen’s compensation act. It is 
not likely in any event to accomplish this object.-® 

7. Board of Arbitration 

The act establishing the board of arbitration was modified in 
1902 by a provision designed to extend the usefulness of this body 
in the settlement of industrial controversies. The amended section 
orders that "if, when the state board has knowledge that a strike or 
lockout, which involves an employer and his present or former 
employees, is seriously threatened or has actually occurred, such 
employer at that time is employing . . . not less than twenty-five 
persons. . . . the state board shall investigate tbe cause of such 
controversy and ascertain which party thereto is mainly responsible 
or blameworthy . . . and may make and publish a report finding 
cause and assigning snch responsibility or blame.’’-'-' The amended 
law thus makes the investigation mandatory, while leaving the pub- 
lication of the report permissive, at the discretion of the board. The 
original law had provided merely that the board “mav, if it considers 
it advisable, investigate,” thus leaving the matter of investigation as 
well as report to the discretion of the board. Some minor amend- 
ments of the act defining the powers of the board, which were 
recommended by the committee on relations between employer and 
employee of 1903, were adopted in 1904.®® The purpose of the 
amendment relating to the investigation of strikes was to induce the 
Board of Conciliation and Arbitration to play the role of a bureau 
of investigation and publicity. The board, however, has not availed 
itself of this opportunity. It has investigated all strikes as ordered, 
but has not used the power to publish an immediate report, reserving 
the publication of its findings for the annual reports. 

^'November 20, 190.S. 

“•Minor amendments of the Employer's Liability Act have been passed, 
as foilows : Acts of 190(!, Chapter 370; Acts of 1008, Chapter 457 and Chapter 446. 

“••Acts of 1002, Chapter 446. 

^"Acts of 1904, Chapter 31.3. Also report of Committee on Relations Between 
Employer and Employee, pages 16 and 17. 



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71 



II. New Subjects of Legislation “'■ 

I. Free Employment Bureaus 

In 1906 an act was passed providing for the establishment and 
maintenance of free employment offices.®- These offices were to be 
opened under the direction of the chief of the Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics, in such cities as might be selected by him, ‘‘for the purpose 
of bringing together those who seek employment and those who 
desire to employ.” The expense to be incurred under the act was 
limited to five thousand dollars. The first office was opened in 
Boston December 3, 1906. The establishment of offices outside of 
Boston during that year was prevented by the small appropriation. 
In 1907, however, an appropriation of twenty-five thousand dollars 
for employment bureaus was passed, and offices were opened at once 
in Springfield and Fall River. The Boston office during the first 
year of its operation registered 34,950 individuals in search of 
employment, and filled positions for 10,701. There was a daily aver- 
age of forty-seven positions secured for applicants,®® while the regis- 
trations for employment averaged 148 per day and the number of 
requests from employers averaged iii. The average cost per posi- 
tion secured was $1.35. The chief of the Bureau of Labor Statistics 
expresses the opinion that the Boston office has justified its existence 
and has passed the experimental stage. 

2. Industrial Education 

The first step in a new movement for the promotion of indus- 
trial education was taken in 1905, when a commission on industrial 
and technical education was authorized by joint resolve of the leg- 
islature.®* The commission made recommendations concerning the 
extension of industrial education along two lines, through the exist- 
ing public school system and through independent industrial 
schools.®® First, the commission recommended that cities and towns 

®’Many statutes dealing with new matters of legislation that affect the interests 
of the working class must he passed over with mere mention, since they hardiy 
fall within the scope of labor legislation, strictly interpreted. Such are the laws 
relating to juvenile delinquency, establishing a juvenile court in Boston, providing 
for the licensing of newsboys, establishing medical inspection in the public schools, 
regulating the business of making small loans, and providing retirement pensions 
for teachers and public officials. 

®^Acts of 1906, Chapter 435. Amended by Acts of 1908, Chapter 485. 

“First Annual Report of the State Free Employment Offices, 1907, page 12. 

“‘Resolves of 1905. Chapter 94. 

“Report of the Commission, April, 1906. 

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so modify the work in elementary schools as to include instruction 
and practice in the elements of productive industry, including agri- 
culture and mechanic and domestic arts ; that the work in the high 
schools be modified so that the instruction in mathematics, sciences 
and drawing show the practical relation of these subjects to indus- 
trial life with special reference to local industries; that all towns 
and cities provide new elective industrial courses in high schools and 
instruction in the principles of agriculture and the domestic and 
mechanic arts ; that evening courses be provided for persons 
already employed in trade, and part-time day classes for minors 
employed the remainder of the day. Second, the commission sub- 
mitted a draft of a new law to provide further for industrial educa- 
tion. The bill as drafted by the commission provided for an unpaid 
commission of five ])ersons, to be known as tbe Commission on 
Industrial Education, to serve for a term of five years. The commis- 
sion was charged with the duty of extending the investigation of 
methods of industrial training and of local needs, assisting in the 
introduction of industrial education in independent schools, pro- 
viding for lectures on the importance of industrial education, visiting 
and reporting upon all special schools in which such education is 
carried on, and initiating and superintending the establishment and 
maintenance of industrial schools in various centers of the state. The 
bill also provided for the establishment of independent industrial 
schools and of evening courses in the cities and towns with subsidies 
from the state. The bill was passed by the legislature with an 
amendment shortening the term of the commission from five to three 
years.®" 

The motives that have brought about this far-sighted provision 
for the systematic development of industrial education are partly 
commercial, partly educational, partly sociological. In the first 
place, the conviction has gained ground that, if the state is to hold 
its own with its competitors in the industrial field, careful provision 
must be made for specialized trade education. The example of 
Germany in fostering economic growth through elaborate attention 
to vocational training has been studied and imitated. Industrial 
education has been adopted as the indispensable means of increasing 
the efficiency of the labor force of the state and thus heightening the 

“'Acts of 1906, Chapter 505 ; an amending act passed in 1908, Chapter 245, 
extends the term of the commission to five years, as originaliy proposed. 

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Recent Massachusetts Labor Legislation 



73 



competitive power of the state's industries. In tlie second place, 
the fact has been recognized that the instruction in the public schools 
does not meet the needs of the great mass of the population. The 
majority of the pupils now leave school when they reach the age limit 
of compulsory attendance, namely, fourteen years. Investigation 
shows that they do this chiefly because their parents are dissatisfied 
with the program of study and feel that it would be a waste of 
time to continue. It is probable that a large proportion of these 
children would stay in school if they were offered courses in trade 
education. As it is, many of them take up casual, unskilled employ- 
ments, in which they remain stranded, finding themselves at eighteen 
or nineteen years no better off in earning power than when 
they left school. The decline of the apprentice system has deprived 
them of the chance to learn a skilled trade in the old way. The 
home, furthermore, no longer gives the boy the same contact with 
practical life and vocational activity that it formerly furnished. The 
new program of industrial education is designed to fill the gap thus 
left open by changes in the shop and the home. Finally, the truth 
has been realized that economic incompetency, resulting from lack 
of definite preparation for self-supporting employment, is in a large 
measure responsible for pauperism and other social ills. The surest 
way to reduce these evils is to give young people opportunities for 
practical preparation for earning a livelihood. Industrial education 
strikes at the roots of many symptoms of economic mal-adjustment 
and social discontent. 

This movement is a fundamental social reform big with promise 
of wide-reaching results. It promises to heighten the industrial 
efficiency of the workers of the state and the competitive ability of 
its industries, to increase the practical utility of the public school 
system, and to promote a better adjustment of social relationships 
in general. 

3. Savings Bank Insurance 

The savings bank insurance law of 1907 is one of the most inter- 
esting legislative experiments enacted in any state since the opening 
of the twentieth century. It embodies a unique plan for the solu- 
tion of the perplexing problems of workingman’s insurance and 
old-age pauperism. The act provides that any savings bank may 
establish an insurance department by a two-thirds vote of its 

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trustees, upon the condition of complying with certain requirements 
laid down in the act.®’ In the first place, a special expense guaranty 
fund of not less than five thousand dollars, advanced in cash, 
and a special insurance guaranty fund of not less than twenty 
thousand dollars must be placed at the risk of the insurance de- 
partment. A joint certificate is then issued by the State Insur- 
ance Commissioner and the State Bank Commissioner, declaring the 
insurance department established. Before doing business the depart- 
ment must also take out a license to issue policies and make annuity 
contracts from the Insurance Commissioner. The. bank may then 
issue policies ujx)n the lives of persons and grant or sell annuities 
with all the rights, powers and privileges, and subject to all the 
duties, liabilities and restrictions in respect to the business of life 
insurance, conferred or imposed by the state laws. 

Two important restrictions are 'laid down for the regulation 
of the savings bank insurance departments, namely: i. No bank 
shall write any life policies for more than five hundred dollars, or 
any annuity contract for more than two hundred dollars a year ; 
2. The banks shall not employ solicitors or house-to-house collectors. 
The business of issuing insurance through the savings banks is 
]daced under the supervision of a board of seven trustees control- 
ing tbe general insurance guaranty fund. The services of a state 
actuary and assistants, whose salaries are paid by tbe common- 
wealth, are ])laced at the disposal of the trustees. The state thus 
contributes largely toward the expense of administering savings 
bank insurance. The general guaranty fund is furnished by contri- 
butions from savings and insurance banks in amounts equal to four 
per cent of the receipts from premiums and the sales of annuities. 

This law went into effect June 26, 1907. The first bank to 
establish an insurance department was the Savings Bank of Whitman. 
The People’s Savings Bank of Brockton has also taken out an 
insurance certificate. Several banks have become agencies for the 
Whitman and Brockton banks. Large manufacturing and com- 
mercial houses, people’s institutes, social settlements and trade 
unions have also opened agencies. The policies offered are of 
several kinds, providing straiglit life insurance, endowment, and 
annuities. To illustrate: If a man beginning at twenty-one years 



®’Acts of 1907. Chapter ~>(M. The passage of this act was recommended by a 
recess committee of insurance 1006. 

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Recent Massachusetts Labor Legislation 



75 

of age deposits with the bank eighty-nine cents each month until 
the age of seventy-five, the bank insures his life for five hundred 
dollars. Or, if a man twenty-one years old pays $1.40 a month to 
the bank, he will, at the age of sixty-five years, be entitled to an 
annuity of two hundred dollars, continuing throughout life ; in case 
of his death before the age of sixty-five his family or representa- 
tives will receive an amount equal to all premiums paid by him. 

This attempted solution of the insurance and pension problem 
is very dififerent from the methods adopted in Germany and Great 
Britain, as embodied in the German old-age insurance act of 1889 
and the British old-age pension act of 1908. “Unlike Germany,” 
says Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, “Massachusetts seeks to secure for 
her wage-earners voluntary instead of compulsory old-age insurance. 
Unlike England, Massachusetts plans to make her superannuated 
workingmen independent instead of dependent ; to relieve instead 
of further burden general taxation. Her aim is to make the oppor- 
tunities for saving money as numerous as the opportunities for 
wasting it ; to make saving popular by giving to the saver all that 
his money can earn.”^® 

The success of this insurance plan depends on the possibility 
of educating working people to make proper use of the opportunities 
which it provides. The interested cooperation of employers is also 
required. If the educational propaganda organized by the pro- 
moters of the savings bank insurance plan shall attain the end 
sought, a unique contribution will be made toward the solution of 
one of the most complicated problems of social legislation. 

Conclusion 

The recent new legislation which has been described, — pro- 
viding for free employment bureaus, industrial schools and savings 
bank insurance, — is in full harmony with the policy underlying the 
development of Massachusetts labor legislation in the past. The 
new laws hold out better opportunities of self-help for the working 
class. Indeed, they initiate a higher stage in the development of 
this body of legislation. Previous legislation has been largely pro- 
hibitivei restrictive, and regulative in character. It has aimed to 
abolish certain evils in the industrial environment of the working 

“Article on Massachusetts’ substitute for old-age pensions in “Tlie Inde- 
pendent,” July 16, 1908. 



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class, to remove disabilities attaching to the position of the laborer 
in his relation to the employer, and in particular to protect women 
and children in the industrial struggle. The new legislation goes 
further. It is constructive, creative and positive in character. It is 
designed to foster self-help, not merely by freeing the worker from 
economic handicaps, but by creating for him new economic oppor- 
tunities. Thus the act establishing free employment bureaus in- 
creases the chance of finding work, the industrial education acts 
furnish opportunity of vocational training, and the savings bank 
insurance act supplies facilities for successful saving. These 
measures spell work, skill, thrift — employment, efficiency, and inde- 
pendence. The efifect of such laws must he to make for the strength- 
ening of individual character, the promotion of family solidarity, 
and the development of a finer type of industrial democracy. 



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PAY OF LABOR IN NEW ENGLAND COTTON MILLS 



By John Golden, 

President of the United Textile Workers of America, Fall River, Mass. 

The cotton industry in New England lias undergone some 
marked changes during the last few years, both as regards working 
conditions, and the racial makeup of the help employed. For a long 
time the only change that manifested itself in its racial character was 
in the immigration of French-Canadians ; large numbers of these 
people were brought over the Canadian border and distributed 
among the mills throughout New England. They proved to be a 
race who assimilated American ideas very rapidly, and little by 
little they began to take their place alongside the English-speaking 
people in every department of the mill, until to-day not only are they 
to be found in all the skilled departments, but many of them are 
holding official positions, such as superintendents, designers and over- 
seers. 

The last few years, however, have witnessed a great change. 
One may to-day enter any cotton mill of ordinary size in New 
England and find from six to ten different nationalities represented 
and working under one roof. Most of the men start in what is 
known as the “picker room,” where the cotton is received in 'its raw 
state, and put through a carding and picking process that strips it of 
most of the foreign substances, such as dirt and cotton-seed shells. 
This is one of the unskilled departments, somewhat unhealthy on 
account of the large amount of dust and loose cotton fiber that is 
whirled around while the cotton is passing through the carding and 
picking machines which do their work in a manner almost human. 
Here one will find Polanders, Portuguese from the \Vestern Islands, 
Italians, Armenians, Scandinavians and Sicilians, with a small 
sprinkling of English-speaking operatives. 

This department is the kindergarten for the foreigners. Wages 
are low, ranging from $5.00 to about $8.00 per week, many of the 
men having to support large families on this meagre income. As a 
rule, they live in the cheapest tenements they can get, sometimes two 
or three families living together. Alt these nationalities have 

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The A)inals of the American Academy 



been slow in assimilating American ideas, or becoming in any 
way Americanized ; they live in a frugal manner, are of a clan- 
nish disposition, generally settling in colonies of their own wherever 
possible, and show no desire whatever to “mix in” with any other 
class of people. The Portuguese are somewhat different from the 
rest of those mentioned in some respects. There is a mistaken idea 
in many cpiarters that these people are direct from Portugal, such, 
however, is not the case, as they come from the Western Islands. 
They are a great deal better adapted to agricultural pursuits, which 
many of them adopt whenever the opportunity presents itself, as they 
have a natural leaning in that direction. 

As the women and children of these foreign-born operatives 
cannot go into the picker room, they are distributed through the 
other departments ; the women generally being given work not 
requiring very much skill, while the children are employed as 
“bobbin boys," “doft’ers," or “sweepers,” either helping to bring in 
the material which is going through the process of manufacturing, 
or carrying it away from one department to the other. The women 
make about the same wages as the men, while the children range 
from $2.75 to $5.00 per week. They work fifty-eight and sixty 
hours per week like the adults. 

The foreign operatives are slowly beginning to make their pre- 
sence felt in other departments of the mill where more skill is 
required, and, while it will be a long time before they can be consid- 
ered as on a level with the English-speaking operatives, nevertheless, 
the bringing in of these different nationalities, many of them from 
parts of Europe and the Western Islands where textile manufactur- 
ing is unknown, has had the inevitable effect of keeping down the 
standard of the whole industry so far as wages, hours of labor, and 
working conditions are concerned. E’nacquainted with the manners 
and customs of our country, unable even in many instances to under- 
stand or speak our language, they have not taken, nor can they be 
expected to take, any active part in the social unrest and constant 
agitation of the older employees for shorter hours and better wages. 

In spite of these obstacles, the conditions in the cotton mills of 
New England have constantly been changing for the better. The 
respective state legislatures have enacted laws from time to time for 
the protection of the women workers, the raising of the age standard 
for children, and the shortening of the working week. In the pas- 

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Pay of Labor in New England Cotton Mills 



79 



sage of humane labor laws, Massachusetts has continuously been in 
the lead, but she will now have to look to her laurels, as Rhode 
Island, New Hampshire, Maine and ^^ermont are waking up. 
Rhode Island has cut down the hours of labor from sixty to fifty- 
eight per week. New Hampshire followed suit, Maine and \"ermont 
are still working on a sixty-hour schedule, but it is confidently 
expected that both these states will see the advisability of getting 
on a more equal footing with the other states, especially as 
Massachusetts will be working under a fifty-six-hour law for women 
and minors after January i, 1910, this law having been enacted in 
the 1908 session of the state legislature. 

Manufacturers themselves are beginning to realize that the 
hours of labor must be reduced. The speed of machinery in cotton 
mills has been increased to a tremendous extent during the last few 
years, and under these conditions it must be acknowleged by every- 
body, uninfluenced by mercenary motives, that for women and 
children to be compelled to work under a strong mental strain, in an 
atmosphere charged with steam and cotton fiber, for ten and ten and 
a half hours per day (which they do for five days in the week in 
order to have a few hours more leisure at the end of the week) is, 
to say the least, a reflection on our twentieth century civilization. We 
say that eight hours per day is long enough for our government 
employees to work, we pass state and municipal laws prohibiting 
such employees from working more than eight hours per day. Yet 
we sit supinely by and see thousands of wan-faced women standing 
wearily at the loom for ten long hours per day, in an atmosphere 
loaded down with heat and steam ; and, what is worse still, thousands 
of children just entering their teens are compelled to work under 
these same conditions, the same number of hours, and for a miserable 
pittance of a few dollars per week, in order to meet the living 
expenses of the family, which the meagre wages of the father will 
not meet. While some headway has been made in the skilled depart- 
ments, in raising the wage standard, yet when we consider the 
great increase in the speed of machinery, and the larger amount 
produced by the cotton operative to-day as compared with ten or 
fifteen years ago, the workman’s share of the gain appears small. 

Some changes have also taken place in the class of cotton goods 
manufactured in the New England mills during the last few years. 
We have been gradually drifting into a finer grade of goods, requir- 

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The Annals of the American Academy 



ing more skill on the part of the operative than was necessary when 
manufacturing the coarser grade. The principal reason for this 
change can be found in the large number of spindles that are now 
being operated in the southern states. Nearly all the southern 
product comes into direct competition with the class of goods which 
was formerly manufactured here in New' England, but which 
we are gradually getting away from. Many of the older mills in New 
England have discarded the system of “mule-spinning," having their 
thread spun on the machines which are termed “mules," and have 
adopted the “ring-spinning frames” in their stead. There are 
several reasons why this change has been brought about ; in the first 
place, it is possible to operate a larger number of ring spindles in 
a given space than can be operated with the “mule-spinning’’ 
machine, the latter machine taking up almost one-half more space. 
This is an important item in an old mill where room is at a discount. 
Another reason given is the fact that the mule-spinning is all done 
by men, whose work is rated as skilled. The mule-spinners are 
a well-organized body, their organization dating as far back as 1858, 
when they were first brought here from Lancashire, England. 
Ring-spinning is all done by girls and young women, whose average 
wages are from $5.00 to $8.00 per week, while the wages of a mule- 
spinner range from $12.00 to $20.00 in the very fine goods mills. 
The yarns spun on a ring frame are admittedly not of so good a 
texture as those .spun on the mule machines, nevertheless they are 
found suitable for cloth of a coarse or medium grade. On the other 
hand, most of the successful mills which are engaged in the manu- 
facture of the finer grade of cotton fabrics spin practically all their 
“filling yarn," the cross thread constituting the face of cloth, on mule 
machines operated by men. 

I have always maintained that the standard of wages of cotton 
mill help is too low ; take for instance the weavers. The average 
wage of weavers runs from $8.00 to $10.00 per week, while some 
here and there earn probably as high as $12.00 per week. These 
weavers operate from four looms on the finer grades to as many 
as twenty, and, in a few cases, twenty-four looms on coarser work. 
These latter are “draper looms” or, Avhat is termed by the trade, the 
“Northrop looms.” There are thousands of men and many women 
who are compelled to provide for a family on the wages quoted 
above. We can imagine the task they are confronted with when we 

(304) 



Pay of Labor in Xeiv England Cotton Mills 8i 

realize that, while their wages are no higher to-day than they were 
five years ago, the cost of living has increased at the very least forty 
per cent. It is small w’onder that the children of these parents are 
compelled to enter the mills as soon as they are allowed to do 
so by law. I know from experience that many of these parents 
would much prefer to keep on sending their children to school, in 
order to acquire a better education than they themselves were able 
to get ; but they are face to face with the stern reality, that the 
father who ought to be the breadwinner of the family, is not receiv- 
ing a living American wage. I have often wondered why manufac- 
turers did not see the wisdom of getting together and devising ways 
and means whereby the whole wage standard of textile workers 
could be elevated and placed on a scale that would encourage our 
people willingly to put their sons and daughters into the industry, 
instead of doing it as a matter of necessity, as is usually the case 
to-day. I cannot but feel they would be well rewarded for such an 
effort. 

If New England is to take up the making of fine cotton fabrics, 
her mill owners must be in a position to command the skill, the 
brains and the ingenuity of the best class of textile workers. This 
they cannot do under present conditions, and with such em- 
ployees as in most places are now being attracted to the mills. 
The most successful mills in New England to-day are the ones that 
pay the highest wages, and give the best conditions. We need have 
no fear from either southern competition, or competition from any 
other quarter, providing conditions are made such as to attract to 
our mills those w'ho for a few years back have been driven in the 
opposite direction. It is a mistake for employers to imagine that 
long hours, low wages and child labor are essential for the success- 
ful maintenance of any industry. ^Massachusetts worked under a 
fifty-eight-hour law for fifteen years against the competition of every 
other New England state, working sixty hours or more. Never- 
theless, during that period, the textile industry continued to 
grow and prosper in every part of the state. The very best class 
of help was attracted there, and always will be while she keeps in the 
lead. Let the other states take example from her, as many of them 
have already done. Let the good work go on, raise the wage stand- 
ard to the highest possible basis ; shorten the hours of labor in pro- 
portion to the tremendous increase in the speed of machinery ; take 

(305) 



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The Annals of the American Academy 



the children out of the mills and place them in the schools and the 
playgrounds. Make the industry one where the young man of to-day 
can look forward to the future, so that when the duty of being the 
“breadwinner" of a family devolves upon him, he will feel assured 
that by remaining in the cotton mill, he will at all times be able to 
live in a comfortable home, to feed and clothe his wife, to rear and 
educate his children according to American ideals, and to put a little 
away, so that when his labors are done he will not be dependent upon 
others for either charity or support. If any industry, or any portion 
of an industry, does not make for this end, I believe we are better 
off without it than with it, and the sooner it leaves us the better. 
While it continues to maintain any other standard it is a menace to 
all our ideals of American citizenship. 



C306y 



LABOR IX THE STEEL INDUSTRY— THE HUMAN 
SIDE OE LARGE OUTPUTS ^ 



By John A. Fitch, 

Fellow, University of Wisconsin. 



One of the most surprising things about steel mills is their 
seemingly limitless possibilities. The history of steel manufacture 
is a history of breaking records, and no sooner has some mill per- 
formed the “greatest feat ever known" than some other mill has 
performed a greater one. The record outputs of thirty years ago 
are insignificant in comparison with the average production of the 
present. In the last fifteen years blast furnaces have doubled their 
output. The Bessemer converter output has increased as rapidly, 
the open-hearth furnaces have made substantial advances in recent 
years, while rolling mills have doubled and even trebled their ton- 
nage since 1890. In 1892 hoop-mills were limited by the Amalga- 
mated Association to 450 bundles of cotton ties to a turn. In 
Painter’s Mill, Pittsburgh, the union was defeated in that year, and 
the plant was changed from two turns to three, the men continuing 
to roll 450 bundles to a turn. In 1908, this mill was operating two 
turns of eleven hours each, and 1,300 bundles were being produced 
by each shift. x\ blooming-mill at Duquesne that was rolling 300 to 
400 tons in twelve hours in 1892 rolled 900 to 1,200 tons in the same 
time in 1908. One of the merchant mills at the same plant has 
more than doubled its output in the last five years. It was turning 
out 100 tons in twelve hours in 1902, and in 1908 it averaged 
between 250 and 300 tons. The structural mills at Homestead have 
doubled their output in fifteen years. A shearman at Homestead 
told me that while his shears handled 200 tons in twenty-four 
hours in 1893, it is now taking care of 600 tons in the same time. 
In 1886, the Edgar Thomson Steel Works were rolling out 600 tons 

’Embodying certain results of the Pittsburgh Survey carried on by the Chari- 
ties Publication Committee under the auspices of the Russell Sage Foundation. The 
Pittsburgh Survey will be published shortly in book form. 

(307) 



84 



The Annals of the American Academy 



of rails in twenty-four hours,- and it was considered one of the 
leading mills of the world. At present mill number one at this plant 
has a capacity of loo tons an hour, and it averages over 2,000 tons in 
twenty-four. 

Thus it is seen that great advances have been made in the 
production of steel. New machinery and improved processes have 
gone far toward achieving the high standard that has been reached. 
Along with the improved machinery there has been increased power. 
An ingot is handled more rapidly in the blooming-mill than it used 
to be, fewer passes through the rolls are necessary, for it is ‘‘broken 
down” more at each pass. There is greater economy of time now 
than in former years ; rolling mills do not have to wait for hot steel 
as was once the case. Additional furnace capacity has been 
provided. 

But not all of the credit of the increased output can l)e given to 
the machinery. A very great deal, how much I suppose no one could 
well say, is due to increased intensity of physical effort. In the hoop- 
mills, where output has more than doubled, there is practically no 
change in operation over that of twenty years ago. Roll changing 
can be accomplished more quickly on account of the overhead crane, 
but this is practically the only improvement. In the sheet mills 
output has doubled in the last twenty years, and there has not been 
in that time a single important change in machinery or method. 

The standard of efficiency required and maintained in the mills 
has grown along with the growth in the tonnage. The steel mills 
to-day illustrate well that part of the evolutionary theory which 
declares that oidy the fit can survive. The steel workers are a 
strong, sturdy set of men — they must be, for when they begin to 
fail they cease to be steel workers. The man of thirty-five is likely to 
have many a gray hair w'hile the man of forty calls himself old. and 
begins to think of the day when he must go to the scrap heap. Many 
of the steel workers of forty and forty-five have told me that they 
were at their best at thirty years of age, and that by the time they 
were thirty-five, they had begun to feel a perceptible decline in 
strength. The superintendents and foremen are alert in detecting 
weakness of any sort, and if a man begins to fail appreciably, he may 
expect discharge. Four years ago it was reported that a general 
order had been sent from headquarters to all mills of the Carnegie 

““National Labor Tribune,” April 24, 1886. 

(308) 



Labor in the Steel Iiulustrx 



Steel Company directing the superintendents to accept no more men 
over forty years of age in any department, and in some departments 
to hire only men of thirty-five and under.^ In the rules for its 
pension department, adopted January i, 1902, the American Steel 
and Wire Company has this provision : ‘‘No inexperienced person 
over thirty-five years of age and no experienced person over forty- 
five years of age shall hereafter he taken into the employ of the 
company.” There is a provision for suspending this rule in case of 
“special” or “professional” services, and this wovdd seem to indicate 
an expectation of physical deterioration on the part of mill workers 
at an age when professional men are still capable of discharging 
their duties. Employees sixty-five years of age who have been in 
the service of the company ten years or more, are retired and placed 
on the pension list. 

By this process of eliminating the unfit a very high standard of 
physical efficiency is maintained, but that in itself is not sufficient to 
get all the results desired. A strong man is no better than a weak 
one, unless he uses his strength, so by methods both direct and 
indirect the workmen are stimulated or “speeded up” to as rapid a 
pace as is possible. Common laborers are usually divided into gangs 
of convenient size and over each gang is a foreman who is commonly 
referred to as the “pusher,” because his main duty is to “push” the 
men, and urge them on to keep up to a rapid pace. Every foreman 
is on the alert to keep his department up to a high standard ; in the 
skilled departments as well as the unskilled, the men are urged on by 
those in authority. The skilled men are paid a tonnage rate and 
that is an incentive to them to work for large outputs, but the fore- 
men do not hesitate to add their influence. “Look at those stopper 
setters and the steel pouter,” said a Bessemer blower and foreman 
to me as I was watching them fill the molds with the molten steel. 
“They are on tonnage, and you would think that would be an incen- 
tive to them to work pretty hard, but they have to be driven just the 
same.” A British observer, after a visit of the British Iron and 
Steel Institute to the United States in 1890, wrote of the American 
steel mills, “The ‘bosses’ drive the men to an extent that the employ- 
ers would never dream of attempting in this country. There are 
trade unions,^ but they do not seem to be able to protect the men in 

^“Pittsburgh Dispatch,” September 26, 1004. 

‘Ibis was before the destruction of unionism in the steel mills of the United 
States. 



(309) 



86 



The Annals of the American Academy 



this respect. The bosses have the faculty of driving the men and get- 
ting the maximum of work out of them, and the men do not seem to 
have the inclination or the power to resist the pressure. 

But there are other and more indirect methods of speeding up 
a crew of men. The tonnage system of wage payment has its effect ; 
the greater the tonnage the greater the pay, but this in itself would 
never have called forth the speed that has been developed by other 
methods. A very effective way of increasing the exertions of the 
men seems to have been a very skilful use of the spirit of emulation. 
Years ago this system was in operation. When a mill exceeded the 
record of other mills the men who accomplished the feat were 
praised, their names were sometimes published in the trade journals, 
and the superintendents of other mills taunted their men with the dis- 
grace of being beaten. So another mill would establish a higher rec- 
ord, and all the other mills would struggle to keep up. It is said that 
for years a piece of steel plate, cut to the shape of a huge broom, was 
kept suspended above tbe Edgar Thomson blast furnaces, at Brad- 
dock, Pennsylvania, as a symbol of their position as the champion pro- 
ducers of pig iron in the world — having swept all competitors aside. 
And the men were so proud of the distinction that they worked 
faithfully to retain it. I was told by a Duquesne employee that the 
Bessemer converter men in that mill were induced repeatedly to 
break their own records. The output constantly increased until 
finally when it reached a very high point the superintendent told the 
men that they had proven their ability to produce that much steel, 
and hereafter it would be expected of them. 

So the system is recognized in the industry to-day as an estab- 
lished thing, fostered by tbe head ofificials of the companies. Super- 
intendent is pitted against superintendent, foreman against foreman, 
mill again.st mill. The old record becomes obsolete when a new one 
is made, and a goal is placed beyond the old one to be struggled for. 
The Carnegie Steel Company designates two months in each year, 
generally Mav and October, as “record months.” The mills are 
pushed during these months, everything that can possibly increase 
output is brought into play, and all possible obstacles are removed. 
Some departments are run straight through the month without stop- 
ping for a single day or night of rest, The object is to break all 

'^James Kitson, “Contemporar.v Keview," Vol. 59, p. 629. 



Labor in the Steel Industrv 



87 



previous records for a month's work. If the men succeed they are 
given cigars !“ 

From the preceding it will have been gathered that the super- 
intendents and foremen are the most important individuals in the 
speeding-up system. Their activities are also encouraged by external 
forces. Of course, there is the element of competition for positions. 
If a superintendent does not “make good” he is discharged, and mak- 
ing good consists in getting out a large product. That is the nega- 
tive side of the argument. The positive side is the system of gifts 
and bonuses, dispensed by the United States Steel Corporation to 
its loyal foremen and superintendents. The effect upon some 
foremen of a fat turkey sent to the home for Thanksgiving 
or Christmas is often surprising. Extra favors shown have a far- 
reaching effect, too, and this is understood and acted upon. “Why 
anybody should complain about the United States Steel Corporation 
is more than I can see,” said a foreman with whom I had been dis- 
cussing certain phases of the prevailing discontent. “They certainly 
treat me fine. Why the other day the superintendent came around 
and asked me my address, and I know what that means. There'll be 
a turkey left up at my house the day before Thanksgiving.” I had 
been sitting in his parlor, talking with the foreman and his wife, 
and when I rose to leave, my host offered to walk down the street 
with me. His wife suggested that he might see about a woman to 
help her clean house next day, since he was going out. “Why, what’s 
the use?” he said, protestingly. “I’ll send a laborer up from the 
mill and he can help you as well as not.” So it was arranged, and 
I suppose some stalwart Slav earned his $1.98 the next day scrubbing 
floors instead of wheeling pig iron. 

The really important influence with the men in authorit}-, how- 
ever, is the bonus system inaugurated in 1903 by the corporation, by 
which loyal foremen and superintendents receive cash rewards for 
their activities. The plan as adopted to take effect in January, 1903, 
provided for the setting aside of a fund each year varying from one 
per cent when annual earnings are $80,000,000 to $90,000,000, to 
two and one-half per cent when earnings amount to $150,000,000, 

'The largest pay in the history of Homestead steel works and the largest ever 
made by the Carnegie Steel Company will be distributed next Friday and Saturday 
among the 7,000 men employed at the Homestead steel works and its auxiliaries — 
the Howard axle works and the Carrie blast furnaces. This pay will aggregate 
?308,000 and is larger than usual because of the records broken last month at the 
plant. — “Pittsburgh Post,” November 1.3, 1907. 

(31 1 ) 



88 



The Annals of the ^-lineriean .-leadeniy 



this fund to be distributed among all the men charged with responsi- 
bility in managing the affairs of the corporation." What this amount 
would be for 1907 it is impossible to ascertain, but the earnings of 
the United States Steel Corporation for 1907, after deducting 
employees’ bonus funds and other expenditures, amounted to nearly 
$161,000,000, so we may be sure that the bonus fund amounted to 
over $4,000,000. just how this is divided is a matter known only to 
the persons directly concerned. I hit the system is plain. Men in 
authority, superintendents and foremen — those who can be used 
most effectively in increasing output — are given a bonus each month 
in addition to their regular salaries or wages, if the tonnage in their 
department exceeds a certain point for the month. This is a matter 
that is not often spoken of and it is hard to ascertain how much is 
distributed in this way. Foremen have told me what their salaries 
were and have sometimes addeil, “And f get a bonus if we go above 
a certain tonnage,” but none of them has ever told me the amount 
of the bonus. I have a friend who is employed by companies which 
place large orders wdth the Pittsburgh mills. He inspects the orders 
before they are shipiietl, and consequently is in the mills a good deal 
and has a wide acquaintance among foremen. They frequently show 
him twcnty-dollar gold pieces which they received along with their 
regular salary payments. 

The following, regarding the bonus system, ajipeared in a 
Pittsburgh paper early iu 1908:'’ 

The statement is made that in 1907 there was paid out in this lionus propo- 
sition more than $4,000,000, while at the same time the total dividends 
paid to the holders of common stock was $10,166,050. In the last five years 
there has been paid out in bonuses, in round figures, about $11,375,000. 

Common stockholders complain that while this was lieing paid out the 
dividend on common stock was cut from four to two per cent. 

The contention is that those in authority in the Steel Corporation are 
paid enough salary to incite their best work, instead of voting a bonus, which 
was first started five years ago, and which is now said to often reach many 
times the original salary of the lucky one. 

Early in 1903 the corporation issued a pamphlet in which it was set 
forth that employees wouhl be allowed to buy stock and pay for it out of their 
wages. Part 2 of this pamphlet provided for a bonus to be paid to officials 
and others after the net earnings of the corporation should reach $80,000,000 
Should it reach this figure and not exceed $90,000,000, one per cent, or 

’“Iron Age," .Tannary S. ino. 3 . p. 23. 

*'Tittsliurgli Dispatch,” .\pril 20. 1008. 

(312) 



Labor in the Steel liuiustry 



89 



$80,000, was to be divided among certain persons selected by the finance 
committee. If earnings exceeded $90,000,000 and were less than $100,000,000. 
this percentage of bonus division was to be increased two-tenths of one per 
cent. Another two-tenths was to be added for each $10,000,000 advance in net 
earnings until they might reach $140,000,000 and not exceed $150,000,000 when 
the bonus was to be 2.25 per cent, and for $150,000,000 to $160,000,000 net 
profits shown, 2.5 per cent was to be divided in bonuses among those not 
named. There was no provision made after the net profits should pass the 
$160,000,000 limit which was reached in 1907. and at which time the common 
stockholders assert, more than $4,000,000 was passed out, while they got only 
two per cent on the common stock. 

Not all these immense bonuses went out in cash. It was stipulated that 
onlj- one-half of a man’s bonus be paid in cash the first j'ear after he has 
earned it, in quarterly installments, while the other half was invested in pre- 
ferred stock, to be delivered to the man having earned it at the end of five 
years if he were then in the employ of ihe corporation. 

A trifle more than $1,526,000 was the bonus distributed at the end of 
1903, the first year the plan was in force. The net profits at this time were 
$109,171,152.35 and the distribution was on the 1.4 per cent basis. 

In the sixth annual report, just out, only once does the term “employees' 
bonus” appear and then in the item “.Administrative, selling and general 
expenses and employees’ bonus and pension funds, $15,945,436.84.” This means 
since the inception of the corporation, and no separate figures are given as 
to the bonus fund. 

No bonus was paid in 1904, as the required $80,000,000 in net profits was 
not reached. Profits that year were only $73,176,521. almost $7,000,000 below 
the low-water r:r.r': on loans. Holders of common stock were also set aside, 
the dividends of four per cent being passed. 

They have since been resumed on a two per cent basis, but the bonus 
plan has been in vogue very much, according to the stockholders. 

The books show that in 1905 net profits jumped to $i 19,787,658.43 and 
under the sliding scale for bonuses those to be named by the finance com- 
mittee would divide 1.6 per cent of this, or close to two million dollars. The 
net earnings went to $156,624,273.18 in 1906, and the bonus takers are accused 
of having divided about $3,900,000 that year. 

High-water mark was reached last year, when net earnings totaled 
$160,964,673.72, and the common stockholders sar' they have the best grounds 
for belief that those fortunate enough to be named Iw the finance committee 
divided not less than 2.5 per cent in addition to fat salaries. 

All of these things have been factors in the marvelous growth 
in steel production. Emulation, record months, speeding, the bonus 
system — all have played their part, but it still remains to point out 
the greatest factor in the whole system. It was stated above that 
the tonnage system of wage payments would never have been suffi- 
ced) 



90 



The Annals of the Aniericaji Academy 



cient, in itself, to call out the speed that now prevails. But when the 
rate of payment is judiciously cut from time to time, the tonnage 
system becomes the most effective scheme for inducing speed that 
has yet been devised. 

It was inevitable that the tonnage rate of pay should be reduced 
during the last fifteen years. If the rate of wages per ton of product 
had remained the same during that time, the earnings of skilled men 
would be very high to-day. For example, the rate paid to rollers 
on the 119-inch plate-mill at 1 lomestead, in 1892, was said to be 
fourteen cents per ton." The 1 19-inch mill has been remodelled in 
late years to an 84-inch mill and in 1907 the rate paid the rollers in 
this mill was five and one-half cent.s — a cut of over 60 per cent in 
the rate. But the tonnage had increased, and in spite of the cut in 
the rate, the roller was able to make $9.90 a day in 1907. If he had 
been paid at the old rate he would have received over $25 a day. 
From this one example a part of the reason for the cutting of the 
tonnage rates becomes evident. The statement is sometimes made 
that in certain skilled positions workmen would receive over one 
hundred dollars a day if they were now being paid the same tonnage 
rate as obtained fifteen years ago. I think that such statements are 
likely to be the result of rather careless guessing. At any rate I do 
not know of any facts that would tend to substantiate such a theory. 

While the tonnage rate has been cut to keep even with the 
rapid increase in the output, a careful inquiry soon reveals the fact 
that the reductions have often preceded the advances in output, and 
they have more than kept even with it. It was stated above that the 
rollers on the 84-inch mill at Homestead received $9.90 a day in 
1907, but the rollers on the 119-inch mill were paid $11.84 ^ day in 
1892.^" This is a decline of sixteen per cent since 1892, and in other 
positions the reductions have amounted to over twenty per cent. 
It is estimated by many who are in a position to know that actual 
earnings of skilled workmen in the steel mills have declined twenty 
to fifty per cent since 1890. But it should be noted that this state- 
ment of reduction does not apply to all departments ; in some posi- 
tions wages have advanced in the last decade. The day men, 
that is, men who are paid by the hour or by the day, instead of by the 

““.Tournal of Political Economy,” Vol. II, p. 338. 

^^Investigations of Homestead Strike, Miscellaneous Documents No. 335, Fifty- 
second Congress, first session, p. 5. 

(314) 



Labor in the Steel Industry 



91 



ton, have had their wages advanced in recent years, while the earn- 
ings of tonnage men were declining. 

This fact is significant. All workmen whose efforts have a 
direct, appreciable bearing on the day’s output, are paid by the 
ton. The day men are the unskilled laborers, engineers, and others 
who are not able to affect the result so much by lagging or “soldier- 
ing.” The skilled men occupy the strategic positions and wage 
cutting is the most effective thing, in connection with the other 
devices, for increasing the output. 

Whatever a man’s earnings may be, whether high or low, he 
adjusts himself to that basis and that becomes his minimum of com- 
fort. The man who has had six dollars a day and is reduced to four, 
has a harder time getting along on that than does another man on 
three dollars a day, because he never has had a chance to develop 
four-dollar tastes. A reduction in wages means sacrifice, and the 
desire to get back to the old basis after a reduction is stronger than is 
the desire to enjoy a higher wage than the accustomed average. The 
steel companies have been good judges of human nature in this 
respect. The mere possibility of greater earnings than any yet 
enjoyed would never have been sufficient to rouse the men to the 
degree of effort desired. Only a reduction could furnish the required 
stimulus, for that made it necessary to struggle to reach once more 
the old wage which was the minimum of comfort., 



(31S) 



LABOR CONDITIONS IN THE MINES OF THE 
PITTSBURGH DISTRICT 



By William M. Leiserson, 

Assistant in Political Economy, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. 



The Pittsburgli District — that mighty forge in wliicli nature's 
treasures are shaped to meet men’s needs — is as indefinable as it is 
powerful. Depending upon the point of view you take, the dis- 
trict may be limited by the political boundaries of the City of Pitts- 
burgh with its 600,000 peojilc, or it may be expanded to take in two 
and a half million people in a score of counties under the govern- 
ment of three states. For the purposes of this paper, the district 
will be made to include the nine counties of western Pennsylvania 
known as Allegheny, Washington, Greene, Fayette, Westmoreland, 
Beaver, Mercer, Butler and Armstrong. This is the field covered 
by District No. 5 of the United Mine Workers of America. While 
the conditions to be described are typical of all the counties in the 
district they apply particularly to Allegheny and Washington coun- 
ties in the immediate rdcinity of the City of Pittsburgh. 

The greatest veins of bituminous coal to be found anywhere 
in the world run through this tier of counties in western Pennsyl- 
vania. The deix)sit is estimated at ninety-two billion tons. It has 
been found excellent for steam, gas and coke, and is the basis of 
the great manufacturing industries that flourish in the valleys of 
the district. The coal is close to the surface in the hills that line 
the rivers. It is easily mined and being above the rivers it comes 
down to the mills and factories by the aid of gravity. 

The natural facilities for coal mining have been supplemented 
by a series of inventions that have made the output of Pittsburgh 
mines appear fabulous. “Electricity applied to undercutting, trans- 
porting and hoisting the coal enables a single mine to turn out over 
six thousand tons a day or one million eight hundred thousand tons 
a year. On certain days the output has even reached seven thousand 
tons. In the district forty-six million tons are produced yearly, 
or more than the output of either Austria-Hungary or France, 



Labor Conditions in Pittsburgh Mine District 



93 



and about equal to the combined production of Belgium and 
Russia.” 

Engaged in these mining operations arc about eighty thousand 
men, and a little more than thirty thousand of them are organized 
under the United Mine Workers of i\.merica. The relatively small 
number of men in the union gives a false impression of its power. It 
exercises an influence greater than its numbers. The organized men 
are grouped solidly in the counties nearest to Pittsburgh. Here 
they have increased wages, reduced the hours and improved condi- 
tions of labor. All around this organized field there are non-union 
men, but the entire Connellsville region is unorganized, and here 
the greater number of non-union mine workers are concentrated. 
The higher wages and shorter hours in the union mines have been 
influential in improving conditions among the non-union miners, 
though the latter are a constant menace to the union. Sometimes a 
rise in the union scale of wages has compelled the operators in the 
Connellsville field to increase wages in order to prevent their men 
from forming a union. 

Outside the neighborhood of Connellsville the union has been 
making steady progress. During the last five years its membership 
has almost doubled. In 1903 the average monthly membership was 
17,591 ; in 1907 it was 30,587. From 1906 to 1907 there was an 
increase of over seven thousand, or about thirty per cent. This 
growth has been principally in what is known as the district proper, 
along the Monongahela River and its tributary, the Youghiogheny. 
At present the union is trying to complete the organization of the 
miners in the Allegheny Valley. 

The nationalities of the mine workers in the Pittsburgh District 
are overwhelmingly Slav. During the last ten or twelve years 
there has been a marked fa,lling off in the number of English- 
speaking men in the mines. The operators state that in most mines 
barely twenty-five per cent of the men can speak English, while in 
a large number of mines the percentage of English speakers is 
much smaller. 

This influx of immigrants from southeastern Europe has had 
two important effects. First, it has prevented the mine workers’ 
union from improving conditions in the Pittsburgh District as fast 
as it has improved them farther west, in Indiana, Illinois and in 
other districts. Every newly-arrived immigrant thinks of a job in 

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The Annals of the American Acadeiny 



Pittsburgh. Here he must be taught his unionism. His ignorance 
of industrial conditions, and his unfamiliar tongue make him diffi- 
cult to reach. The union translates its constitution and other litera- 
ture into the Slavic tongues ; it employs organizers who speak the 
different languages ; and it lowers initiation fees from ten to five 
and two and a half dollars to attract the newcomer. When he has 
learned his lesson he hears of better conditions in other districts, 
goes west and becomes a strong union man. This process is 
constantly being repeated. It can be seen plainly in the mine 
employing i,ooo men which has to hire, according to its super- 
intendent, 5,000 a year in order to keep up its force, while as 
a general rule throughout the district 2,000 men have to be hired 
during the year to keep 1,000 employed. The second effect of the 
influx of Slavs is that their lack of intelligence makes improved 
machinery and a perfected organization of the mining processes 
absolutely essential. There is a direct connection between the in- 
creasing number of unintelligent mining laborers and the use of 
mining machinery during the last ten or fifteen years. Which is 
cause and which effect is difficult to determine. In a dispute over 
the introduction of a new appliance for dumping the coal at the 
tipple, the operators contended that the scarcity of intelligent labor 
compelled them to adopt machinery wherever possible, and to try 
to find some mechanical means in connection with the dumping and 
handling of the coal on the surface. 

While the constant immigration has kept the mine worker of 
the Pittsburgh District somewhat behind his brother workmen 
farther west, at the same time the union has so improved conditions, 
that the Slav in the mines is paid from fifty to ninety per cent more 
per hour than his countrymen working in the mills and factories of 
Pittsburgh, at jobs requiring the same amount of skill and strength. 
In many cases the same company is compelled to pay these different 
rates for the same class of labor. The great steel mills and glass 
factories of the district are all non-union. The companies which 
own them also own many of the coal mines of Allegheny and Wash- 
ington counties. These are all union mines, and the United States 
Steel Corporation, Jones & Laughlin, the Pittsburgh Glass Company, 
as mine owners, sign agreements with the union which provide 
for the eight-hour day and a scale of wages almost double what 
they pay for the same labor in their manufacturing plants. Prof. 

(31S) 



Labor Conditions in Pittsburgh Mine District 95 

John R. Commons lias summed up, for the “Pittsburgli Survey,” a 
comparison of the men in the mills with those in the mines, in the 
following words : 

“Taking everything into account — wages, hours, leisure, cost 
of living, conditions of work — I should say that the common labor 
employed by the steel companies in their mines is 50 to 90 per cent 
better off than the same grade of labor employed at their mills and 
furnaces ; that the semi-skilled labor employed at piece rates is 
40 to 50 per cent better oft" ; but among the highest paid labor, the 
steel roller and the mine worker are about the same.” 

The hours, wages and rules under which coal is mined in the 
Pittsburgh District are fixed at biennial conventions of workmen and 
employers. First the operators of a competitive area covering sev- 
eral states meet with representatives of the union and lay down the 
conditions under which the men are to work within their territory. 
After these conventions district conferences are held to settle all 
local matters, and agreements which last till the next convention are 
signed by both parties. Agreements between miners and operators 
date from about fourteen to fifteen years ago. Then they were 
merely local contracts made with individual operators or with a 
few of them. The system of interstate conventions began in 1898. 

By means of these agreements the union has cut down the 
hours of work since ten years ago about twenty-five per cent, while 
wages have been increased almost one hundred per cent. Ten hours 
was then the working day. Now it is eight. Many kinds of work, 
such as entry cutting, room turning, removing clay, etc., for which 
formerly nothing was paid, now have a regular scale. This “dead 
work,” in a mine employing one hundred and fifty men, would 
add about $1.50 per week to the wages of each of them. It 
means an addition of about ten per cent to a miner’s pay. A com- 
pany with a pay-roll of eight thousand dollars now pays eight 
hundred dollars for dead work, where formerly it paid nothing. 

Another way in which wages have been increased is by estab- 
lishing the system of check-weighing. In the Pittsburgh District 
the practice of having a check-weighman was established in 1898 
without a strike. The Pittsburgh Coal Company, which was formed 
by a consolidation of smaller companies in 1901, agreed at the 
first convention after that to put in a check-weighman, if the men 
would agree to sign a contract not to sue for wages. It was com- 

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96 



The Annals of the American Academy 



mon for men to claim a greater tonnage than tlie company allowed 
them. Legally the company cannot force men to make such a con- 
tract. but most of them signed. 

An idea of the general movement of wages from 1898 to 1908 
can be had from the following table. The complete scale for each 
two-year period contains nearly two hundred items, and provides 
a price for any kind of work that may appear. When the first 
agreements were made only two lines were needed to make a scale. 



Seale — Thin J 


’ciu 


One and a 


Quarter 


Inch Screened Coal.^ 


Pick mining, per ton. . 




I 898-1900 

. . . .$0.66 


I 900-2 

$0.80 


1 002-4 

$0.90 


1 904-6 

$0.85 


I go 6-8 
$0,90 


Air Machines. 


Undercutting in rooms. 


per 


ton .125 


■15 


.1708 


.1604 


CO 

0 


Loading in rooms, per 


ton 


36 


.4268 


.4560 


.4264 


.4560 


Electric Machines. 


Undercutting in rooms. 


per 


ton .08 


• I 030 


.1 100 


.1025 


.IIOO 


I.oading in rooms, per 


ton 


36 


.4208 


.4700 


■4375 


.4700 



Inside Day I! 'age Scale. 



I 


898-1900 


I 900-2 


1902-4 


I 904-6 


I go6-8 


Track layers 


$1.90 


$2.28 


$2.56 


$2.42 


$2.56 


Track layers' helpers 


1-75 


2.10 


2.36 


2.23 


2.36 


Trappers^ 


•75 


1. 00 


I-I3 


1.065 


I-I3 


Bottom cagers 


1.90 


2.28 


2.56 


2.42 


2.56 


Drivers 


I. go 
1.90 


2.28 


2.^6 


2.42 

2.42 


2.56 

2.56 


'I'rip riders 


2.2S 


2.56 


Water and machine haulers 


1.90 


2.28 


2.56 


2.42 


2.56 


Timbermen, when employed 


1.90 


2.28 


2.56 


2,42 


2.56 


Pipemen for compressed air plants.. 


1.84 


2.22 


2.50 


2.36 


2.50 


All other inside labor 


1-75 


2.10 


2.36 


2.23 


2.36 


Day laborers around the outside of the tnines get from $ 


0 

•+-» 

0 

Up 


$2.25 per day. For a nuiuber of years 


the 


miners’ officials have 


been trying to secure a scale of 


wages 


for outside 


day labor, but 


without success. 












On the basis of the union scale the 


employees of the National 


Mining Company were able to 


earn during 


1907 


an average of 


$2.90 to $3.00 per day. They worked about 225 days out 


of the 



year. That was an exceptionally prosperous year, however. Ordi- 
narily the number of working days' runs from about 160 to 200. 

'Thin vein coai is the most common in .\iiegiieny County. 

^These ace boys who take care of the trap doors. 

(320) 



Labor Conditions in Pittsburgh Mine District 



97 



To average the wages of all the men working in the mines 
will hardly give an adequate idea of their earnings. The wages 
for day labor are fixed at $2.36 and $2.56 per day. Counting 225 
working days as the average for 1907 the earnings of a day laborer 
underground were from $531.00 to $576.00. It must be remem- 
bered, however, that less than 200 days’ pay is all that he gets 
during ordinary years. The outside day laborer earns annually only 
about $400.00. A pick miner can mine about three tons of coal a 
day. At the present scale of 90 cents he makes $2.70 a day and 
$607.50 a year. 

The men who do the undercutting with machines are excep- 
tionally skilled. Two men with one machine usually work together. 
They go from room to room and cut a space about six feet deep and 
four inches high at the bottom of a coal vein. These men make 
$40, $60, $80 and sometimes even $90 in two weeks. To do the last, 
however, they often work more than eight hours. The majority of 
the cutters make from three to four dollars per day. Some make as 
low as $2.50. The annual income of the average undercutter would 
be from $700 to $800. In this he is about on a par with the skilled 
man of the building trades in the City of Pittsburgh. They both 
work eight hours per day, but the undercutter has a somewhat 
smaller rent to pay for he probably lives in a company house. 

Behind the cutters come the loaders. They shoot the coal 
which has been undercut, and load it on three-ton cars to be taken 
out by mules, electricity or gravity to the tipple where it is dumped 
into boats or railroad cars. The loader works by the ton. He 
averages about $2.25 per day and $500 per year. 

The highest earnings in the district are made in the great 
mine, Vesta No. 4. owned by Jones & Laughlin, the steel firm. 
It employs about 1,000 men and has an average output of almost 
6,000 tons a day. In this mine, which has a thick vein and pays 
according to the mine run, two average men with an electric machine 
can undercut five rooms of forty tons each, or two hundred tons 
per day. At the price paid, .0565 per ton, these men together make 
$11.30 a day, or each of them $5.65. Some cutters in this mine draw 
regularly $80 and $90 every two weeks. An ordinary cutter, work- 
ing every day that the Wsta No. 4 is in operation, can earn annu- 
ally over $1,500. Loaders in this mine average almost $3.00 per 
day. which during the year would be $900.00. Aside from the most 

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98 



The Annals of the American Acade))iy 



modern methods employed in this mine, the advantage of the Vesta 
No. 4 is the greater number of days which it operates. During 1907 
it worked 306 days. Even if per hour the A'esta mine worker 
could make no more than the others, still his annual earnings would 
be greater by almost 33'Vo per cent. 

Wry few of the miners who work by the piece supplement 
their regular earnings by working overtime. The union discourages 
it. The day laborers do most of the overtime work. All repairs, 
changes, etc., made in the mines, are done at night by day men 
working overtime. Some of these have made fifteen to eighteen 
shifts in two weeks instead of twelve. The union tried to do away 
with this extra work, but it was found impossible. Experienced 
men are needed to fix up the mines after the day’s work is over. In 
the big mine, Wsta No. 4, a regular night force of repairmen is 
employed, thus doing away with overtime work. 

It is difficult to compare the wages in union mines with those 
in the non-union, for they are not paid on the same basis. Connells- 
ville miners work ten hours ; they have no check-weighman to tally 
their tonnage and they get no extra pay for “dead work.” The 
rate for day laborers in these mines is $2.35 per day. This is 
about twenty per cent less per hour than is paid to the union day 
laborer. 

In each union mine there is a mine committee wdiose business 
it is to look after the interests of the union. The men report 
grievances to this committee and it takes them up with the superin- 
tendent. It also sees that none of the union rules or the rules of 
the signed agreement are violated. 

While it is understood between the operators and the union 
that there shall be no discrimination as to the men to be em- 
ployed in the mines, the practice of signing scales for all occupa- 
tions and making deductions from the men’s pay for check-weigh- 
man and union dues, brings practically all the men into the union, 
and thus they have a closed shop. 

The wages of the check-weighman and the expenses of his 
office are collected through the pay office semi-monthly upon a 
statement of time made by the check-weighman. The amount so 
collected is deducted on a ])ercentage basis from the earnings of 
all those actually engaged in mining coal. Deductions for union 
dues arc also made through the pay office. The amount of such 

(322) 



99 



Labor Conditions in Pittsburgh Mine District 



deduction is stated by the mine committee subject to the instruc- 
tions of the men. The agreement provides that when union dues 
are thus paid they shall follow^ deductions for check-weighman, 
accident and death benefit, rent and smithing. 

At nearly every mine in Allegheny County there are company 
houses for the miners. The operators w'ould not let the union inter- 
fere wuth these. The rents of the houses go up and dowui w'ith the 
changes in the wage scales. They w'ent up one dollar a month with 
the new scale in 1906. A four-room house with a lot up to one 
hundred feet rents for six to ten dollars per month. Large houses 
cost more in proportion. The rents of these houses are almost 
half wdiat laborers pay in the City of Pittsburgh, and the companies 
as a rule keep their houses in good repair. There is not much dis- 
satisfaction among the mine wmrkers wfith these houses. On the 
contrary, the houses seem to be in great demand. Complaints are 
sometimes made that the company wall not give a man a house 
unless he also buys at the company stores. 

These stores are managed by two companies. The Federal 
Supply Company conducts those of the Pittsburgh Coal Company, 
and the Valley Supply Company those of the Consolidated River 
Coal Company. Unlike the company houses, these stores have been 
at times sources of bitter discontent. The usual charge is that those 
w'ho do not deal with them are discriminated against, as in the 
matter of getting the houses. The union has several times appointed 
committees to make investigations, but nothing came of them. The 
prices charged at the stores are usually those generally prevailing 
in the community. Fully tw'O-thirds of the company stores have 
competition, and this brings the prices down. In isolated communi- 
ties w’here the company has a monopoly prices are higher. To trade 
on credit the men get checks with small amounts printed on them. 
Purchases are punched on these checks, and deducted from the 
wages. Some miners pay cash for all they buy. The credit checks 
are some times cashed at a discount. This practice, how'ever, is no 
longer common, for the company will discharge the miner who dis- 
counts his credits.. 

The subject of accidents is becoming a bitter one at the con- 
ventions of District No. 5. P>oth every day risks and the enormous 
loss of life from explosions are subjects of complaint. Lmder 
ordinary circumstances in the Pittsburg District about fifteen per- 



lOO 



The Annals of the Ajnerlean Academy 



sons are injured during the year a-nd three are killed for every 
thousand that are employed in and about the mines. From July, 

1906 to July, 1907, there were 71 fatal accidents among the mine 
workers of Allegheny County, d'hree of the accidents w'ere due to 
explosions of powder at the miners' homes. In the county there 
are not quite 20,000 mine workers employed. If we count the 
fatalities as 68, the percentage is 3.4 per thousand. This percentage 
is greater than that of any country in Europe, and about equal to 
the average for the United .States. The years 1907 and 1908 have 
been marked by a number of horrible mine disasters in the bitumin- 
ous field of Pennsylvania. Jn December, 1907, there were explo- 
sions of two mines in the Pittsburgh District and 274 men were 
killed. So complete was the work of these explosions that not a 
single miner escaped. This fact and the evidence at the coroner’s 
inquest that the mines were unsafe before the explosions, lead the 
miners to believe that the slaughter might have been prevented. 
The government has established a testing laboratory at Pittsburgh, 
which is experimenting- with mine dust and the like, in order to 
find means of preventing explosions. The officers of the union 
are trying to get legislation which will lessen the danger of 
such disasters in the future as well as prevent some of the 
ordinary accidents. The Pennsylvania Employers’ Liability law of 

1907 was urged by the miners throughout the state. As a result 
of it the operators are taking much greater precautions to prevent 
the occurrence of accidents. The amendments to the Bituminous 
Mining Law which are advocated by the officials of the union 
and which will be presented to the legislature this year, are along the 
following lines : 

1. That all miners employed in gaseous mines be required to 
pass an examination, have two years’ experience and hold a 
certificate. 

2. That the company employ certificate fire bosses to charge 
and fire all shot in gaseous mines after all other men are out of the 
mine. 

3. That it be com])ulsory to use safety lamps in mines having 
dangerous quantities of gas and where there is danger of an ex- 
plosion. 

4. That all mines that are dry or dusty be sprinkled daily. 



(324) 



Labor Conditions in Pittsburgh Mine District loi 

5. That the ventilation be increased to 300 cubic feet for each 
miner. 

6. That an extra fan be kept for use in case of emergency. 

7. That openings be made to the surface from the inner work- 
ings of every mine. 

8. That the use of electricity be discontinued in mines generat- 
ing gas. 

9. That all trappers be at least sixteen years of age, and trap 
doors abolished wherever possible. 

10. Superintendents to hold managers’ certificates. 



(325) 



WORK OF WOMEN IN THE MERCANTILE HOUSES 
OF PITTSBURGH ^ 



By Elizabeth Beardsley Butler, 
New York City. 



The long lanes of a department store are the Arabian Nights 
palaces of to-day. All that those fortunate adventureis of old time 
saw under guidance of the genii, — silks and lapis lazuli and gold, 
quaint carving, rare color, things to attract the eye and delight the 
sense, — are commonplaces to us, prosaic dwellers in a western world. 
Still more of a commonplace and often arousing only an impatient 
thought, are the blondes and brunettes behind the counter, to whom 
we make known our desires. It needs more than a hint for our 
imaginations to clothe them in the flowing robes, the jewels, the 
graceful, indolent pose, with which the slave at the bazaar received 
the voyogeurs who sought her wares. They have dropped the 
parleyings of a more leisurely hemisphere. They have changed the 
robes woven of strangely colored threads, for white shirt waists 
and tailored skirts. They are literal, in conformity to the business- 
like tone of a western city. 

Neither the salesgirls themselves, nor the rest of us, have 
thought of their work as a trade to which far-sighted principles 
are applicable, and for which careful training is essential. Yet, 
from being objects of philanthropic interest, salesgirls have begun 
to acquire, for some of us at least, a new significance. It is com- 
ing to be seen that for permanent good, the industrial worth of 
working women must underlie all that is done for them ; that the 
collective group of workers must act as a unit, and because of its 
industrial worth, ask for such change in conditions as justly may be 
conceded. 

In discussing the mercantile houses of Pittsburgh, I shall not 

*A condensed advance chapter from “The Working Women of Pittsburg,” by 
Elizabeth Beardsley Butler, copyright, 1009, by the Bussell Sage Foundation ; to 
be published by Charities Publication Committee, No. 105 East Twenty-second 
Street, New York. 



(326) 



Work of Wojiioi in Pittsburgh Merccuitile Houses 103 

speak of obvious sanitary needs common to many different industries, 
and within the jurisdiction of the health officers. Nor shall I speak 
of welfare work as such. Here, discussion may be confined to con- 
ditions which grow out of the trade itself as distinct from other 
trades, and to its present aspect from the occupational stand- 
point. No attempt has been made to cover the small stores in 
which five women or less are employed. What is said of the large 
stores will be, in the main, applicable to them, although to a degree 
they are a problem in themselves. It is the large stores primarily — 
the knot in the business center of the city and the scattered ones in 
the East End and on the main streets of the North and South Side, — 
with reference to which statistics of employees and of conditions 
have been obtained. 

In twenty-four stores, 7,540 women are employed. No other 
one occupation in which women work in groups has so large a follow- 
ing in the city of Pittsburgh. No other has within four thousand 
as many women. Sometimes as many as 1,900 women are employed 
in one store, wrapping, checking, selling goods, or on the upper 
floors, engaged at subsidiary occupations, such as making draperies, 
trimming hats, or altering cloaks to the wearer’s size. Occasionally, 
even a laundry is part of a department store, or again a kitchen with 
a group of red-cheeked Polish maids preparing vegetables. Or 
the whole force in the store may be no more than nine and occupa- 
tions may be interchangeable at need. 

The little cash girl in her plain black suit starts into a new world 
when she enters the store, leaving school behind her. Only a small 
part of this world is opened out to her at first, as she learns to carry 
messages and parcels and change, to direct customers to different 
departments and sometimes, where she sees opportunity, to antici- 
pate a want or to supply an unlooked-for need. She learns to find 
her way about, to know where the stock-rooms are, how' the stock of 
various kinds is kept, and how in rows of cages girls sit making 
entries in books all day long. 

The cash girl may be advanced to the position of wrapper or 
stock girl. If she is a wrapper, she will begin to feel her responsi- 
bility for maintaining a standard of work. An exclusive store in 
part maintains its exclusiveness by distinctive wrapper and seal, and 
even a more plebeian store gains many customers by the care and 
attractiveness with which its parcels are wrapped. I was told by a 

(327) 



104 



The Aiuials of the American Acadony 



manager that liis wrapper girl was one of the most important em- 
ployees in the drapery salesroom and worth at least five dollars. 
How quickly a bright cash girl is allowed to sell goods will depend on 
her size. For speedy advancement, she needs to be well-built and a 
little tall, as well as quick to learn. 

She may show aptitude for clerical work and be turned aside 
into one of the offices, without ever working on the floor at all. 
The office work is like any office work. The other departments, 
that also are away from the customers, however, have a character 
distinctly their own, and draw their recruits, not from among the 
cash girls, but from women in factory trades outside. A laundry, 
for instance, or a kitchen, may be part of a store. In other cases, 
draperies and awnings are made to order. Numerically, these 
by-employments are not important, but work in the alteration room 
is sufficiently distinct to be considered almost a separate trade. 

The alteration hands on cloaks and suits, the trimmers of 
“Parisian” millinery, are 971 of the women in department stores. 
They produce by wdrolesale, but after a fashion different from that 
in a manufacturing house. A characteristic room of this type is 
one on a twelfth floor which I saw in the midst of the spring season. 
Bare and white-washed, wdth windows on two sides, the hugeness of 
the room — which was a block wide and long — made artificial light 
necessary throughout. Of the 115 people employed, only five or six 
were men. From the first of February until June, and from the 
middle of August to December, the power-driven needles whirr 
back and forth for more than ten hours a day. At eight o’clock the 
hands come in and work, with an interval for lunch, until half-past 
five. Then they go down to the lunch-room and come up again at 
six, with a stretch of two and a half hours in the evening. They 
work hard while they can, for in the dull season they lose at least two 
months by periodic unemployment. Some have been dressmakers 
before, hand workers whose business it was to know how to cut and 
fit a garment. They put all that behind them when they enter an 
alteration room. If a girl has done only individual work before, the 
trade has to be re-learned. The needles are power-driven. Changes 
are chalked on the goods, and suits are turned out wholesale for 
unknown customers. Rarely is an apprentice employed. Busier than 
in a wholesale house, the managers of the workroom have no place 
except for those with experience, to whom they pay ten dollars a 

(328) 



JVork of Women in Pittsburgh Mercantile Houses 105 

week during the season. “What’s tlie use of paying more t" said 
one, “you can get a fine worker for ten dollars, one who knows how 
to do anything you want.” 

The girls in the millinery workrooms, like those in wholesale 
millinery houses, have their seasons of work. Except that some hats 
are altered and some are trimmed to order, the work is much the 
same as elsewhere in the trade, and the larger part of the time is 
given to trimming hats ready-made and ready-to-wear. The trim- 
mers, like the alteration hands on suits, have a trade which for years 
they may have followed under other circumtanc-es, until chance 
brought them into the group of department store employees. The 
drapery and awning makers, too, are not apprenticed in the stores. 
Without experience in the use of materials and tools, they could not 
obtain their positions. All these trained and taught hands, however, 
are in the minority, totaling less than fourteen per cent of the women 
employees. 

The salesgirls, untrained and untaught, are in the overwhelming 
majority. Of them, there are 6,534 — 86.5 per cent of the women in 
the stores. The material upon which they have to work is the pliant 
and receptive customer, or, at other times, the irritable and im- 
patient customer. The tools at their hand are the cases of 
stock behind the counter, the counter displays and the books or 
cases of samples. For lack of the right word, a sale is lost. The 
salesgirl fails at the critical moment, sometimes through ignorance 
of her tools — the stock that she is trying to sell — sometimes through 
sheer indifference, but perhaps more often still, through lack of 
ability to follow the musings of a customer who conjures up possi- 
bilities, doubts and hesitates. Successful salesmanship implies an 
immediate commercial use of psychology. 

It is the absence of these qualities that we resent, w'hen the girl 
behind the counter, like the indolent slave in the bazaar, is too 
obviously indifferent as to w'hether w^e go or stay. We expect that 
courtesy wdll allow us freedom of choice, but we prefer our pur- 
chases to be wanted. Frequent disregard of our pride and of our 
time calls for the host of floor-walkers and inspectors to interfere. 
They, at least, do not forget that w^e need attention, even if we fail 
to receive a w^elcoming smile, for albeit unencouraged, w^e wdll yet 
purchase if opportunity be given us. 

But floor-w’alkers and inspectors cannot supply in their sales- 

(329) 



io6 The Annals of the American Academy 

women a knowledge of the tools — an understanding of the qualities 
of different kinds of goods. Their business is to oversee the daily 
events in a store. They are to direct strangers, to keep sharp watch 
for petty thefts, to see that the force behind the counters is adequate 
to handle the trade. For the previous training of the girls they can 
assume no responsibility. Neither can they teach a new girl, except 
by a few general directions, in what ways her stock is distinctive 
and how she is to offer it. There are other girls behind the counter, 
but who else, to teach her ? She is not often a person sufficiently 
experienced in buying to be herself a judge of cpiality. 

It is remarkable that the saleswoman, unfamiliar with her stock 
and her problem, groping for a method in the dark wood of her inex- 
perience, should be even occasionally successful. I do not speak here 
of the girls who are notably inattentive. In stores with the highest 
standard of management they are not found, and in less carefully 
managed stores, a force of floor-walkers goes far to eradicate them. 
Their stay in the industry is short, and next season they are as likely 
to be found serving in restaurants or selling tickets in nickelodeons, 
as behind the counter of a store. 

I am speaking of the girls who at least try to be saleswomen, 
who stay in one store or another from six to seven years — the term 
of their working life. Ten hours at a mechanical process weary a 
factory girl, but the fluent physical and emotional poise with which 
the saleswoman must needs meet her various customers, inevitably 
connotes nervous as well as physical fatigue. Other things being 
equal, such fatigue, where a girl understands her task and knows 
how to meet it, should readily be repaired by the rest hours between 
hours of work. Rut when the girl does not understand her task — 
when she has no training, when she has neither the philosophy nor 
the personal strength to face irritability and unreasonableness with- 
out nervous loss, when she lacks that understanding of the mind’s 
workings which would enable her to say the deciding word, when the 
customer’s perplexity baffles her and her own helplessness annoys 
her — can her physical weariness and nervous fatigue be minimized 
when set side by side with that of the operative at a machine? 
l\Iuch in the shopgirl’s task of to-day is less obviously harmful than 
that of the machine worker’s, the effect of which on health even a 
layman cannot fail to understand, but the final effect is no less real, 
no less serious to her and to her children. 

(330') 



Work of Women in Pittsburgh Mercantile Houses 107. 

Not only these elements of the environment, however, but the 
physical elements of building construction and arrangement, are 
important from the standpoint of the working force. The plan- 
ning of the Pittsburgh store has been determined by the way the city 
has grown, has scrambled awkwardly over hills and along the 
river’s edge, spreading out fan-shaped from the intersecting point of 
the two rivers and crowding into one narrow point of land its office 
buildings, stores and railroad terminals. Even from the river, the 
hills seem to spring up and the buildings to follow them. Like the 
other business enterprises, the stores have followed the slope of the 
hills. Some have succeeded in getting a flat bit of ground, only to 
have basements and cellars threatened by the spring floods. Others 
have been built farther from the river, following an ascending street, 
which opens impartially on first floor front and second floor rear of 
the store. The rear of the first floor, below the level of the street, 
like a tunnel entrance, is compelled to scatter its darkness by the 
glare of sputtering electric lights. 

The unwisdom of using a tunnel-like salesroom is surpassed 
only by the vtse of a cellar workplace, in which not even one end is 
open toward the light. We need not dwell on the stores in 
which tight-closed basements are the domain of the cashiers. In five 
stores, however, seventy-five girls are employed to sell goods in 
basements with no openings whatever to the outside air. An electric 
fan in such case is wholly ineffectual, either to drive out impure air 
or to let fresh air in. Upper floors, too, although in lesser degree, 
are in need of a more thorough ventilating system. To an unwar- * 
ranted extent, reliance is placed on the chance opening of a window 
and occasional openings on shafts to the roof. 

Health and efficiency in a measure go hand in hand. The kind 
of efficiency that results from a clear brain and physical buoyancy — 
the kind of efficiency that even an untrained salesgirl may have — 
is sapped constantly by the breathing of vitiated air. Efficiency 
is sapped, too, by needless physical weariness, whether this weariness 
results from careless building of counters (to economize space) so 
that the girls have not room to pass each other, and even while 
standing up are always cramped and uncomfortable ; or from the 
firm’s neglect to provide seats, or from the tacit understanding, 
of all too frequent occurrence, that seats when provided are not 
for use. 



(331) 



io8 The Annals of the American Academy 

Insistence by managers that the girls shall be found standing at 
their posts, seems a primitive way to recognize the psychological 
necessity of a welcoming smile. At times during the day they are 
not waiting on customers. At times they have no stock to fix and 
are obliged o.ily to be at their places. That they should have always 
to stand, seems obviously unnecessary, and has become a point of 
specific legal attack in states that have built up a factory law. The 
law of Pennsylvania* requires that “every person, firm or corporation 
employing girls or adult women, in any establishment, shall provide 
suitable seats for their use, and shall permit such use when the 
employees are not necessarily engaged in active duties.” 

The ratio which the number of seats bears to the number of 
girls in the stores is sufficient answer as to how the law is observed. 
In the best known of the Pittsburgh stores, the situation is as follows : 

Store A. 

First floor 500 girls 19 seats 

Second floor 300 girls 12 seats 

Third floor 75 girls 4 seats 

(Fourth, fifth and sixth floors, alteration and work-rooms). 



Store B. 



First floor 


400 girls 


16 seats 


Second floor 


175 girls 


10 seats 




Store C. 




First floor 


600 girls 


32 seats 


Second floor 


10 girls 


No seats 


Third floor 


400 girls 


3 seats 


Fourth floor 


10 girls 


No seats 


Fifth floor 


15 girls 


I seat 



With reference to a .smaller store, I find the following note; “Two 
floors used for salesrooms. Second floor, six girls, three seats. 
Girls allowed to use seats on this floor, but not on the first floor, 
where there are thirty-nine girls, eleven seats.” Ten stores have no 
seats at all and in two stores there is one seat each. 

Two stores observe the spirit of the law, providing in one case 
no less than four seats behind each counter, and in the other for 
each counter at least two seats. Among the other stores, on the con- 
trary, whole sections of the floor are without a seat accessible to the 

’Act May 2, 100, T. Sec. 7, P. Ij. No. 220. 

(332) 



Work of Women in Pittsburgh Mercantile Houses 109 

salesgirls and at counters fitted out with one seat, there are perhaps 
a dozen girls to share it. When nineteen seats are allotted to 500 
girls, or twelve seats to 300 girls, it would be of interest to know 
whether, in the eyes of the law, this is provision of “suitable seats” 
for the female employees. 

The policy of the management as to the use of seats, when 
provided, often differs on first and second floors. Because the girls 
on the first floor are seen by the customer first, it is felt that they 
especially need, by always standing, to create an impression of 
attentiveness. In consequence, first floor girls are tacitly forbidden 
to sit, while if there comes a spare moment on the second floor, the 
girls may be seated without danger of reprimand. The head of stock 
in one department told me that if a girl were seen sitting she would 
be discharged at once. Acknowleged rules, however, against the use 
of the seats are few, but in their place is the tacit understanding in 
seventeen of the stores that to stand is requisite if a girl is to retain 
her position. Some states have yet to fight for a law protecting 
women from this unnecessary drain upon their strength, but Penn- 
sylvania already has such a law. Her need is for effective public sen- 
timent to ensure its observance. 

The periodic long hours in the stores have often been matter for 
comment. The daily schedule in fourteen cases is from eight to five- 
thirty, and in eight cases from eight to six. Two stores not only 
are open Saturday evenings but evenings during the week as well, 
until nine and ten o’clock. In one case all the girls are obliged to 
stay, but in the other the schedule is so worked out that each girl is 
on duty but two nights a week besides Saturday. When she works 
at night, she does not come until ten the next day. A typical 
schedule would be : Alonday, 8 a. m. to 6 p. m. ; Tuesday, 8 a. m. 
to 9 p. m. ; Wednesday, 10 a. m. to 6 p. m. ; Thursday, 8 a. m. to 9 
p. m. ; Friday, 10 a. m. to 6 p. m. ; Saturday, 8 a. m. to 10 p. m., 
a total of fifty-seven working hours a week. 

The time of year when long hours are felt most is before Christ- 
mas or during stock taking time in January. It seems unbusinesslike 
that these night hours should be counted in as a part of the week’s 
work, that the girls should not have the option either of staying or 
of going, or if they do stay, the opportunity to earn extra pay in pro- 
portion to their time. Whether as a matter of health they should be 
allowed to work for the hours that the Christmas trade sometimes de- 

(333) 



no 



The Annals of the American Academy 



mands is another consideration." One store has no Christmas over- 
time. Its trade apparently has not lessened because of its refusal to 
depart from its standard working day, but the others have ten days or 
two weeks of night work. Six of them have a double shift, an ar- 
rangement wdiereby half the girls are on duty alternate evenings, 
coming later on the days following nights at work. Seventeen 
stores have no double shift, but recpiire a working week of seventy- 
two to eighty-four hours. 

Seven give extra pay in some form. In one case, “We go down 
and get what we like from the fountain,” the girls say ; in others, 
twenty-five or thirty-five cents is paid for “supper money.” This 
bears no proportion to the girls’ weekly wages, or to the estimated 
worth of her time but simply enables the management to avoid 
appearing to require work without pay. One of the stores — 
a five and ten cent store, by the way — gives a bonus of five dollars 
to each girl at Christmas time, after a year’s service. This bonus is 
increased in amount yearly until the maximum sum of twenty-five 
dollars is reached, after five years’ service. The other small stores 
under the same name, not only give their employees no bonus, but 
do not even give suj^per money for the nights at work. It is in part 
the youth of the employees, in part their inability to bargain and their 
lack of cohesion, that have helped to make an arrangement of this 
sort customary. 

Against petty exactions and larger injustices, one store stands 
out for a higher criterion of business success. At each point in the 
discussion it has been mentioned, for the excellence of its ventilation, 
for its observance of the spirit of the law, in providing an average of 
four seats to a counter for its employees ; for the fact that it has no 
Christmas overtime and is consequently free from the imputation 
that it asks unpaid-for work ; finally, for its standard in wages. The 
manager says that salesgirls are paid on the basis approximately of 
five per cent of their total sales. Counters where goods are cheapest, 

^The Pennsylvjinia statuto, Act May 2. 100."). Sec. ."t. P. L. No. 226, reads in 
part as follows : ••.\nd provided further. That retail mercantile estahlishments shall 
he exempt from the provisions of this section ( i. c., a sixt.v-hour working week 
and a twelve-hour working day permitted) on Saturdays of each week and during 
a period of twenty days, beginning with the fifth day of December and ending with 
the twenty-fourth day of the same month ; Provided, That during the said twenty 
days preceding the twenty-fourth day of December, the working hours shall not 
exceed ten hours per day. or sixty hours per week." 

As might he interred, this somewhat confused clause has proved ineffectual as 
a harrier to overtime. 



( 334 ) 



JVork of JVoinen in Pittsburgh Mercantile Houses 



III 



such as the notion counter, for example, are least remunerative to a 
salesgirl ; an employee of little experience can be used, as sales are 
easily and quickly made. A girl who shows ability is advanced to a 
counter where she can earn more and, theoretically, there is no limit 
to the increase in wages of a capable girl. In practice, it works out 
that approximately one hundred cash children and wrapper girls 
are paid from four to si.x dollars, and that seven hundred sales- 
women are paid seven dollars. No saleswoman who is worth less 
will be retained. At the lace counter, in the cloak and suit depart- 
ment, and here and there where the selling of goods requires special 
skill, a hundred girls are paid from eight dollars to ten, and some- 
times fifteen, in the case of a head of stock. 

In its system of payments this store stands alone. Good physical 
conditions and fair treatment go with relatively good pay. In the 
other stores, a raise is given grudgingly and the chance of advance- 
ment is slight. The wage-group* of those earning- three to six dollars 
— manifestly considerably below a living wage — numbers 5,510 wrap- 
pers and saleswomen, 73 per cent of the women in the trade. There 
are 1,555 women earning e.xactly seven dollars and 475 earning from 
seven or eight dollars to ten and twelve in some cases while the 
season lasts. That 73 per cent of the women employed should be 
earning less than six dollars a week would seem indicative of an 
abnormal condition. This is not the pay of experience. Nor is it the 
pay for work that requires endurance and skill. Nor, above all, is it 
the pay for a trade of careful adjustments and adaptations, 
knowledge of the tools — the stock on the counters — and the ability 
to handle the material — the potential customer. 

The popularity of the work among would-be employees is one 
reason why the market price remains low. Some store.s — and these 
not always the best paying ones — have a waiting list of applicants. 
I asked one girl who was paid three dollars, why she did not change 
to another store where wages were higher, and she said, “the fact 
is, it’s so hard to get a job anywhere, that when you do get one, you 
hang on to it for fear you might be months getting another.’’ Com- 
petition for positions in department stores is often so keen as to 
create a shortage of women workers in factory districts. Although 
mercantile houses offer but slight financial inducements, and al- 

*The “.f3.00-.$G.00 wage group includes $3.00, $6.00 and all sums between. The 
$7.00 wage group includes all sums between $6.00 and $7.00, including $7.00. The 
$7.00-$12.00 wage group includes all sums above $7.00. 

( 335 ) 



1 12 



The Annals of the American Academy 



though the irregularity of work during the dull summer season 
lowers the saleswoman's total yearly income, the higher social 
position of the shop girl draws to the ranks of the applicants 
all those who are ambitious for the self-respect that thrives on the 
heightened regard of others. 

Shopgirls without friends or family ties are few. Shopgirls to 
whom the family tie means an additional financial burden, are many, 
and there are many more who, with family ties and friends, are yet 
dependent upon themselves for support. The law is fundamental 
that the labor used in the production of utilities must be paid at a 
rate which will renew the supply of labor, else labor must renew 
itself by preying upon other parts of the labor group ; in other words, 
it must be parasitic. An industry in which three-fourths of the work- 
ing force is receiving a wage below what is necessary to maintain its 
standard of life,® is a parasitic industry. 

While the factors entering into the wage situation in the 
department stores are various, the desire of the girls for the increased 
self-respect that results from wearing a neat dress during working 
hours, for the social recognition attaching to salesmanship, the 
desire of many parents in part to support their daughters, and the 
custom-hardened lines along which a percentage of saleswomen in 
mercantile houses have found it practicable to look to their own 
support, — with ready admission of all these factors in the situation 
to-day, it yet seems not impossible to hope for the gradual working 
out of a system of payments on a sounder economic basis. 

Recognition that trade training is imperative, is the first step 
toward development among saleswomen of esprit de corps. A trade- 
trained group of women has inevitably a personal assurance and pro- 
fessional pride, even a degree of cohesion, wdiich w^ould go far to 
remedy small tyrannies and large injustices that are matters of 
grievance to-day. One Pittsburgh store has started a course in sales- 
manship for those of its employees who have the ambition to study 
out of hours. There is a morning class of ninety and an evening class 
of thirty-six, each with home work and text-book lessons. The 
women who go through that course will know^ something of their 
industrial value. They will begin to have a concept of justice in 

“The standard of living among working women is discussed more in detail in 
“Itie Working W'omen of rittsburgh,” E. B. Butler, Chap. 37, pp. 38.3-400. The 
limits of this article prevent the writer from explaining more fully here the 
reasons given in said chapter for considering .$7.00 a week a living wage. 

(336) 



Work of Women in Pittsburgh Mercantile Houses 113 

industrial relations. With the growth of this movement among 
Pittsburgh stores, with the gradual permeation of the industry by 
women who consciously understand their trade, we may look to 
see not only a more careful observance of the state law with regard 
to mercantile houses, not only a lessening of the unpaid-for over- 
time and a marked increase in regular wages, but a final transforma- 
tion in mind as well as in garment, from the indolent slave at the 
bazaar in her cashmere robe and rough jewels, to the trimly-gowned, 
alert and efficient business woman. 



(337) 



1 



THE NEGRO MINE LABORER: CENTRAL APPALACHIAN 

COAL FIELD 



By George T. Surface, Ph.D., 

Instructor in Geography, Sheffield Scientitic School, Yale University, 

New Haven, Conn. 



The Field 

The area under discussion is midway between the northern limit 
of the Pennsylvania coal field and the southern limit of the xYlabama 
field. Both the geographical situation and the economic conditions 
make it proper to group the southern part of the Tennessee coal 
area with the Alabama field, and the northern part of the West Vir- 
ginia area with the Pennsylvania field. This discussion, therefore, 
relates to that part of the West Virginia field situated south of and 
including the Kanawha River and New River valleys; that part of 
the Kentucky field contiguous to the \ irginia and Tennessee fields; 
all of the \ irginia field situated in the .Yppalachian System ; and 
that part of the Tennessee field nortli of the Wartburg Basin, of 
which iMorgan County is the center. 

The most important developed centers in this large territory 
are situated in the following counties: Kanawha, Fayette, Raleigh, 

Mercer, McDowell and Mingo (West Adrginia) ; Tazewell, Russell, 
Dickinson, Wise and Lee (Virginia) ; Bell, Knox and Whitley 
(Kentucky) ; xYnderson, Campbell and Claiborne (Tennessee), 

The investigation as herein discussed is based upon as accurate 
statistics and observations as could be obtained in representative 
centers throughout the territory outlined above. In so far as figures 
are discussed, the article will be limited to fifty operations which we 
believe to represent with fair accuracy the general conditions. From 
these we can arrive at some definite conclusions, both as to the pres- 
ent efficiency of the negro as a mining laborer in this field, the 
economic changes in progress, and those likely to be realized in the 
near future. 

The chief purpose of the paper is to give information which 
will show the present status of the negro as a mining laborer, and 

(338) 



The Negro Mine Laborer 115 

his relative efficiency. It is impracticable to attempt to reduce his 
labor to terms of absolute efficiency, on account of the methods of 
bookkeeping generally in vogue, and the irregularity of the car 
supply which, in so far as it is inadequate, could not be justly used 
as an offset to the laborer’s efficiency. If the supply of work were 
regularly continuous, and the car supply adequate, it would be easy 
fo reduce each miner’s work to an equation of personal efficiency. 
Only two companies in the field attempt to keep an absolute record 
of the men by reducing the time and output of each miner to a 
numerical standard. 

A. Chief Factors Controlling Efficiency 

1. Physical Ability. — Although efficiency does not con- 
form very closely to physical ability, that constitutes one of the 
primary requisites for maximum efficiency in any labor requiring 
so much physical exertion as that of mining. The negro miners 
of this field compare in physical strength very favorably with all 
other classes. In the first place, the work seldom appeals to the 
individual of subnormal strength and endurance, and should such 
drift into the field, they soon recoil from the labor, or are supplanted 
by more productive laborers. It was quite obvious throughout the 
investigation that the majority of those in the class of maximum 
producers were the possessors of strong physique. 

2. Standard of Living. — Since the physical strength depends in 
a large measure upon the character and regularity of the food 
supply, this factor should not be overlooked. As a class, the negro 
miners throughout the field maintain a high standard in the purchase 
of food supplies. In fact, from the standpoint of expenditure, their 
standard, as proportionate to wages, is higher than that of any 
other mining class. A reference to the table will show that almost 
every operator expressed the opinion that the negroes as a class 
spend not less than 90 per cent of their total earnings, and it would 
be equally accurate to affirm that 90 per cent of the total negro 
miners employed spend all of their earnings. They also maintain a 
standard commensurate with any other class in the quality and 
comfort of clothing. As to the percentage of the total wage 
which is consumed for food supplies, it is impossible to give more 
than an estimate. I inferred from an examination of numerous 
store accounts, that an average of 40 per cent of the total wage 

(339) 



ii6 The Annals of the American Academy 

was consumed in the purchase of food stuffs, and that 25 per 
cent of the total wage was consumed in the purchase of clothing. 

3. Regularity of Labor . — The first consideration under this 
topic is the regularity of employment. At the time this investi- 
gation was made (the summer of 1907) there was an alarming 
deficiency of laborers, because of the abnormal demand for the out- 
put. We believe, therefore, that the figures approach the normal 
efficiency of the laborer more closely than they would in a time of 
excessive competition. By normal efficiency, we mean that which 
is the expression of what may be expected without coercion. There 
was at this time an inadequate supply of cars, but this affected all 
laborers alike, so that it does not complicate the discussion which 
has for its purpose the relative efficiency of any laboring class. 

Forty-one per cent of the operators interviewed reported their 
negro miners as working less than four days per week. Only 5 per 
cent reported the negroes as working more than four days per week. 
No operator reported his foreign classes as working less than four 
days per week, and 25 per cent of all operators employing foreign 
labor reported the foreign classes as working more than four days 
per week. This shows that the negro is more irregular as a laborer 
than the foreign labor employed, and in the majority of cases it 
was equally evident that he was more irregular than the American 
white labor employed. The fact that the negro is so irregular as not 
to justify the employer depending upon him for a maximum output, 
whatever the circumstances may be demanding that maximum out- 
put, is the most serious handicap to the negro as a mining class in 
all parts of the field where they are employed in conspicuous 
numbers. 

4. Stability of Residence . — It would be expected that the class 
which is most irregular in the performance of its work would be the 
most unstable in a continuance of that labor, but this is not true, 
since as a class the negro miners are more stable in their residence 
than any of the foreign classes located in the field in question, 
excepting the miners from the British Isles. From the estimates of 
the fifty operators interviewed, it appears that an average of 50 per 
cent of all negroes employed change their residence within one year. 
The foreign classes (with the exceptions above noted) change so 
frequently as to make a conclusion a mere guess. This question is 
one of vital importance to the employer. Houses must be provided 

(340) 



with reference to the number of laborers required. To have these 
houses occupied by migrating workmen makes it necessary that a 
much larger number of houses be constructed than would be required 
by a more permanent residential class. 

5. Skill of Labor. — At every operation visited it was found that 
the maximum producing negro miners were on a par with the 
maximum producing miners of all other classes. This small class of 
maximum producers consisted almost entirely of men who had been 
in the field for many years, men who were strong in body, and in 
most cases were conservative and systematic in their habits. In 
pick mining, there is no question but that the negro has the potential 
power to hold his ground with any competitor. The same may be 
said of his ability as a coke puller, and we feel warranted in saying 
that as a coke puller he is the most efficient and most satisfactory of 
the different classes employed. One of the things which militate 
strongly against the negro in the field of mining competition is that 
he is not adapted to any kind of skilled work. At least, every oper- 
ator gave as his opinion that for skilled work, either in the yard, in 
timbering, or in the manipulation of mining machinery, the American 
whites are so far his superior as to be generally employed. This 
fact is indexed in the statistics of the 1907 report of the Chief 
Inspector of Mines of West Virginia (see Table I A and B), 
in which we find that the table showing total percentage of negro 
laborers approximately corresponds inversely to the table giving the 
percentage of the total coal mined by machinery in the several 
counties. 



TABLE I A. 

West Virginia — St.atistics from 1907 Report of Chief Inspector 

OF Mines. 



County. 


Total 

Laborers. 


Total 

Negroes. 


Per cent 
Negroes. 


Mercer 


2,586 


1,022 


395 


McDowell 


11,897 


4.300 


36.2 


Mingo 


2,603 


123 


5 


Kanawha 


7,054 


693 


9.8 


Fayette 


11,693 


2,781 


237 


Raleigh 


1,729 


304 


17.6 



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Ii8 The Annals of the American Academy 

TABLE I B. 

Production — Showing Machine ^Iined Coal in West Virginia 
BY Counties, 1907. 





(Tons of 


2.240 pounds.) 






County 


Machine 

mined. 


Pick 

mined. 


Total 

Production 


Percentage 
of total, 
machine 
mined. 


fiercer 


97,044 


1.912,478 


2,009,522 


4+ 


McDowell . . . 


■ ■ ■ 457,909 


7,665.790 


8.123,699 


5.6 


l\Iingo 


... 1.162.041 


705,059 


1,867.100 


62-f- 


Kanawha . . . . 


... 3.272.386 


1,35.5.715 


4,626,101 


77 


Fayette 


. .. 1,870,842 


5.406.455 


7,277,297 


25-r 


Raleigh 


— 50.049 


1,054.627 


1,104,676 


4.8 



The average output of the negro miners as a class is somewhat 
below that of the different foreign classes and of the American 
whites, chiefly because of the shorter time worked. It seems that 
the amount by which he is below an average production, is to be 
accounted for chiefly by the factor of irregularity. Xo laborer can 
maintain as high a percentage of production by irregular as by regu- 
lar work. He has not only the distraction of mind and body which 
comes from the time he is out, but consumes a certain amount of 
time in regaining his place and erpiipment. which would be ready 
for him, were he so regular as to be expected for all working hours. 

6. The Care of Property.- — Since the employer figures efficiency 
with reference not only to tons, but to the net cost of production, 
the care of property constitutes a basal factor of efficiency. Twenty- 
four of the fifty operators reported the negro as abusing property 
more than either the American whites or the foreigners. Of the 
remaining twenty-six. about half could make no discrimination 
between the several classes. A few of the operators reported the 
negro as exercising greater care in the use of property than the 
foreign classes employed. From the fact that 50 per cent of the 
operators considered the negro as most destructive to the property 
used, there is sufficient reason to conclude that this is one of 
the handicaps against the negro’s gaining a higher place in the scale 
of competition. 

7. The Spirit of Personal Interest. — In any aggregation of 
laborers, this is a very important factor, since it is the soundest 
impulse for the most satisfactory economic realizations. It is indeed 
difficult to analyze the personnel of negro miners in this particular, 

^342) 



since they are influenced by so many conditions and motives. The 
negro is by nature ostentatious and if he be an industrious and 
productive miner, he finds much pleasure in lauding over his fellows 
the victories which he may have won in out-rivalling them in output. 
His personal interest is stirred by the ambition to exceed. Others 
become closely attached to the man under whose directions they 
work, and if my interpretation of the negro character be correct, I 
would say that herein lies the greatest possibility for creating among 
the negro miners a personal interest in the work assigned. There 
are a few who seem to love the work and the place, and take that 
personal interest which would be expected of them were they the 
owners of the mines. 

8. Rcs/'oiise to Direction . — The negro is easily controlled, 
except in times of confusion and clash. He willingly submits to 
supervision, but as a rule cannot be depended upon to exercise 
very important initiative. In working together negroes respond in 
unison to the reasonable demands made upon them, and are more 
easily controlled with reference to mechanical performance than 
either the American whites or the foreign classes. 

9. Personal Habits . — The personal habits of the negroes as a 
mining class are unfortunately such as not to increase their efficiency, 
but on the other hand to diminish it materially. The negro’s moral 
weakness is in reality more pronounced than his economic in- 
capacity, and since the fostering of the former but accentuates the 
latter, the two react upon the home life with destructive results. 
The home life of the negro in most parts of the field investigated 
is so loose and indiscriminate that even the operators can give but 
little information as to the percentage of the legitimate negro 
homes. We do not have to look far for the explanation, since indi- 
vidual moral restraint must be largely the preventing barrier, 
there are few social or legal barriers. The population is not suf- 
ficiently stationary for social lines to become clearly marked 
and the negroes as a class are but indifferently discriminating in this 
regard, even in stationary communities. It is true that there is a 
small conservative class of negroes whose personal habits are above 
reproach. These usually live quietly by themselves and have but 
little uplifting influence upon those whose conduct they deprecate. 
The American whites of this territory have a natural antipathy for 
being mixed up with the colored population, and as a rule the 

(343) 



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The Annals of the Anicncan AcaJeiny 



Table II —STATISTICAL COMPARISON TO SHOW THE RELATIVE EFFICIENCY OF 



Field and Operations. 


Total Laborers. 


Percentage, Negro, 

i 


Percentage American. 
White. 


1 

j Percentage, Foreign. 


Average hours per 
1 week, Negro. 

1 


1 Average hours per 
week , American , White . 


Average hours per 
week, Foreigner. 


Average daily output. 
Negro. 


j 1 

j Average daily output, 
j American, White. 

1 


Average daily output. 
Foreigner. 


Pocahontas F ield — T azeivcll 






















Co ., I ti.; Mercer and Me - 






















Doul ’ cIl Co ., \ V . I’a. 
















Tons 


Tons 


Tons 


No. 1 


1 .200 


35 


25 


40 


30 


40 


40 


3 


3 


4 


Mn ^ 






















No. 3 


500 


60 


20 


20 


30 


40 


45 


3 


3 


Rs U 






7 5 








35 




2 % 


24 
















45 


2 + 




3 i^ 


No. 6 


1 50 


50 


25 


2^ 


35 


40 


45 


2 


2, 


3 














5 




24 


24 


























No. y 


.300 


f)0 


lO 


30 


40 


40 


40 


2| 


24 


3 


No. 10 


1 75 


40 




25 


40 


40 


40 


2I- 


21 


3 ^ 


No. II 


1 50 


25 


25 


50 


40 


40 


40 


2 h 


2 ^ 


■ 24 


No. 12 


150 


50 


25 


25 


40 


40 


40 + 


2^ 


24 


3 


No. 13 


I 50 


50 


25 


25 


40 


40 


40 + 


24 


2 ^ 


3 


No. 14 


200 


30 


20 


50 


40 


40 


40 


24 


24 


3 


No. 15 


300 


50 


30 


20 


35 


35 


40 


2 


2 


3 




4.705 


1 .05 5 






















4.% 


















hlkhorn Field — McUoivell 






















Co ., ir. Fu. 






















No. 16 


400 


^'5 


20 


15 


40 


40 


50 


24 


24 


3 ^ 


No. 17 


^00 


Few 


50 


40 


40 


40 


40 + 


2^ 


24 


3 


No. iS 


I 70 


Oo 


20 


20 


40 


40 


50 


2i 


24 


3 


No. I g 


240 


Oo 


20 


20 


40 


40 


50 






3 


No. 20 


200 


40 


2 3 


.3 5 


50 


30 


40 


2 


2 


.'I 


No. 21 


414 


50 


20 


30 


40 


40 


40 


24 




3+ 


No. 22 


2SO 


Oo 


30 


10 


40 


40 


40 


24 


A 


3+ 


No. 23 


.3 3 5 


Oo 


10 


30 


35 


35 


45 


24 


2-4 






2. 30 () 


1.142 






















4 . 0 % 


















1 ng River t teld — McUowcll 






















and Mhigo Co ., II'. \ ' a . 






















No. 24 


I .000 


2 7 


2 2 


5 1 


30 


40 


50 


2 4 




3 


No. 25 


.320 


I 5 


50 


3 5 


30 


40 


40 


24 


3 


3 




2,220 


540 






















24% 


















New River Field — Favette 






















Co ., II'. l a. 






















No. 26 


4,000 


10 


40 


50 


3 5 


40 


40 




24 


34 


No. 27 


200 


40 


40 


20 


40 


-10 


40 


24 


24 


2+ 


Kanawha Field — Kanazvha 










1 












Co ., IV . Va . 












1 










No. 28 


5,000 


T 5 


25 


60 


j 30 


i 40 


40 


3 


3 


34 


No. 29 


1 .200 


40 


‘ 50 


10 


1 30 


40 


40 


24 


3 


1 3 




10,400 


1 .450 


1 




1 


1 


1 






j 






14% 


1 




i 










1 



(а) Estimate of operators as to proportion of total wages consumed. 

(б) 14 negro miners took up in store $414: 14 American whites took up the same month $415; while 28 Hungarian 
miners took up Si 76. 



(344) 



121 



The Xegro Mine Laborer 



THE NEGRO AS A MINING LABORER IN THE CENTRAL APPALACHIAN COAL FIELDS. 



(a) Average weekly 
consumption, Negro. 


(a) Average weekly 
consumption, 
American, White. 

1 


(a) Average weekly 
consumption. 
Foreigner. 


Proportion with fami- 
lies, Negro. 


; Proportion with fami- 
Jlies, American, White. 


Proportion with fami- 
lies, Foreigner. 


— 

Average daily wage. 
Negro. 


Average daily wage. 
American. VVhite. 


Average daily wage, 
Foreigner. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year, Negro. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year, American, White. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year. Foreigner. 


% 


% 


% 


% 


% 


% 


Dollars 


Dollars 


Dollars 








go 


75 


50 


50 


75 


Few 


1 . 50 


1 . 50 


2.00—3.00 


75 


10 




























100 


75 


60-80 


50 


75 


Few 


I . 50—2.00 


1 . 50-2.00 


2 . 50-3 - so 


New operation 








50 


50 






1.50+ 






50 


























50 












75 


50 


75 






c 

a: 
; 1 
0 
•c 
















65 




■■■V5 ■■ 


80 
















go 


75 


75 


50 


10 


10 


I . 75 


1-75 


2.00— 3.00 


50 


50 




go 


75 


So 


60 


75 


Few 


2 . 00 


2 . 00 


3.00+ 


40 


25 


come & go. 


go 


75 


20 (b) 


60 


60 


Few 


i . 50—2.00 


I . 50—2.00 


I . 50-2 . 50 


15 


15 


50 


90 


80 


25 


50 


50 


Few 


2 .00—2.50 


2.00-2 . so 


2.00—3.00 


50 


50 


go 4 - 


go 


80 


25 


50 


50 


Few 


2 . 00 


2 .00 


2.50 


50 


50 


go 


go 


80 


25 


50 


50 


Few 


2 . 00 


2 .00 


2 . 50 


50 


50 


90 


go 


75 


50 


50 


7 5 


Few 


1.50+ 


1.50+ 


2.00 + 


25 


25 






















25 


25 


50 














































75 




2 5 


















95 


So 


30 + 


50 


10 


2 . 50 


2 . 50 


3.00—4.00 


50 


25 


95 


75 


60 


25 


40 


4.5 




2 .00 


2.50 


3.00—4.00 


50 


20 


20 






















50 


























g8 


60 


50 


60 


7 5 


20 


2 . 00 


2.50 


3.00-4.06 


75 - 1 - 


Less 


Less 


95 


59 


50 


30 


60 


20 


2.00 + 


2.50+ 


3.00+ 


10 




Few 


95 


75 


40-25 


10 


50 


Few 


2 .00 


2 . 50 


3.00—4.00 


50 


50 




























95 


85 


50-60 


10 


50 


Few 


2 .00 


2 .00 


3-00 


20 


50 




go 


80 













































( 345 ) 



122 



The Annals of the American Academy 



Table II. — Continued. 



Field and Operations. 


Total Laborers. 


u 

n 

c 

0 

u 


Percentage, American. 
White. 


; Percentage, Foreign. 


Average hours i)er 
week, Negro. 


Average hemrs x>cr 
week, American, White. 


Average hours per 
week, Foreigner. 


1 Average daily output, 
: Negro. 


; Average daily output, 
American, White. 

1 


' Average daily output, 
Foreigner. i 


Bi^i Stone Gap Field — 
Russell atid Dickinson Co., 
Va. 

No. 30 


2,000 


25 


25 


50 


35 


35 


40 


3 i 




4^ 


No. 31 


700 


35 


30 


35 


35 


35 


40 


3 ^ 


3 i 


4 -S 


No. 32 


250 


50 


35 


15 


40 


40 


40 


4 l 


A 




No. 33 


1 ,400 


30 


40 


30 


40 


40 


40 


4 


4 


4 


No. 34 


200 


20 


70 


10 


40 


40 


40 


4 


4 


4 




Eastern Ky., — Whitley, Bell 
and Knox Cos. 

No. 35 

No. 36 

No. 37 ' 

No. 38 

No. 30 

No. 40 

No. 41 

No. 42 

No. 43 

No. 44 

No. 45 



LaFollette Field — Campbell 
Co., Tcnn. 

No. 46 ' 

Coal Creek Fi^ld (b) — .-lu- 
derson and CanipbellCo., ■ 

Tenn. 

No. 47 400 

No. 48 ’ 275 

No. 4Q ; 150 

No. 50 ' 2^0 

No. 51 140 

I r.705 

Averave in C oaJ Creek Field . ! 

Grand Totals I 27,005 




1 , 33.5 

30% 



I 5 
IC 

none 

none 

none 

Few 

none 



1X8 

0 % 



S5 

00 
1 00 
100 
100 
0 5 



I 5 

none 



j 00 
08 
88 
50 



50 



84 

1 00 
95 
88 



none 

Jionc 

none 

none 

none 

none 

50 

none 

none 

none 

25 



40 

40 



6 . 88 :; 

24% 



I 

none 

none 

none 

none 



40 

40 

40 



40 



40 

40 

so 

50 



20 

40 

40 

40 

40 



45 

40 



4 5 
45 
45 



(a) Kstimate of operators as to proportion of total wacres consumed. 

(h) All intoxicatinc: drinks debarred from the Coal Field, No. 47. 

(c) Small property owners draw the largest percentage of wages in cash. 



40 



2i 

6 

6 

5 

3 



4 

4-5 

4 

4 

4 ^ 



(346) 



123 



The Negro Mine Laborer 



Table II. — Continued. 



(a) Average weekly 
consumption, Negro. 


(a) Average weekly 
consumption, 
American, White. 


(a) Average weekly 
consumption. 
Foreigner. 


' Proportion with fami- 
lies, Negro. 


1 

Proportion with fami- 
lies, American, White. 

1 


Proportion with fami- 
1 lies, Foreigner. 


Average daily wage, 
Negro. 


Average dailv wage, 
American White. 


Average daily w’age. 
Foreigner. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year, Negro. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year, American, White. 


Percentage changing 
residence within one 
year, Foreigner. 


95 


90 


50 


50 


65 


35 


2.75 


2 . 75 


3-00 


50 


40 


7 S 


95 


90 


50 
























Few 
















So 
















80 


80 






80 




50 












50 




Few 












2 . 50 






80 








40 






2 . 00 






50 


50 
























90 






35 




























































75 


75 


50 


75 


7 5 


Few 


1 .50 


1.50 


2 . 50 


50 


50 












•* - 












75 
















3 .00 
























3 . 00 


3 . 00 








90 


60 


75 


25 


75 


Few 


2 . 50 


2.50 


2.50 


40 


50 






















80 


80 




8 s 




50 


65 


65 




I . 50 






60 




















ynrt 








65 
















8 s 






50 


















l^(c) 




65 





































(347) 



124 The Annals of the American Academy 

foreign laborers prefer isolation, and constitute more or less dis- 
tinct colonies. 

The presence of alcoholic drinks in the coal field is the greatest 
curse to the negro laborers. They are periodic drinkers, and having 
small regard for the saving of money, spend much of the wage 
for drink, which not only incapacitates them for labor, but leads 
them into serious vice and crime. Picnics, festivals, excursions, and 
baseball games offer the opportunity for heavy drinking, and these 
become periods of general carousals. 

B. Accessory Factors Influencing Efficiency 

1. Field of Supply. — INIost of the negro miners of this field come 
from Eastern Virginia, Southern Virginia, Southwest Virginia, East 
Tennessee and North Carolina. An examination into the recent 
migration of the negro population from these sections indicates 
that within the past decade, a very large number of those migrating 
have moved to cities and small towns, and that within recent years 
there has been a reaction against a general influx into the coal 
fields. The proportion of negro laborers employed in a number of 
the large operations has decreased since 1900. 

2. Classes Attracted. — It is difficult to differentiate the classes 
with precision, but at least three classes can always be recognized. 
The most important from the employer’s standpoint is always the 
minority. This is what we may call the stable, conservative and 
efficient class. The majority of this class have either lived in 
the field for many years, or labor in the field regularly during a 
part of each year. As a rule they are of quiet, economical habits ; 
and many of them “keep shack,” and do their own cooking. A sur- 
prisingly large number of this class have purchased property near the 
place of their nativity. 

There is another small class which is stable in residence and 
regular in work, but spend all on themselves, their homes and their 
friends. They maintain the highest standard of living, and are in 
reality the colored aristocracy of the coal field. 

The great majority consists of those who are irregular in labor 
and unstable in residence. These are usually irregular in conduct, 
and the most flagrant abusers of property. About the only thing 
which can be said in tbeir favor, from the employer’s standpoint, 
is that they consume their wages as rapidly as earned. The emplov- 

(348) 



The Negro Mine Laborer 



125 



crs are, however, beginning to realize that the most costly labor is 
performed by this class, which is low in efficiency, and always ap- 
proaching the limit of forbearance both as to credit and conduct. 

3. Wages. — The wages paid must be considered high, as com- 
pared with the wage schedule of other countries, or with the 
wages paid in other lines of work in this country. By working 
nine hours per day, the average miner could easily make $2.00 per 
day, and the exceptional miner $3.50 to $4.00 per day. The high 
wages do not create the greatest efficiency among the negro mining 
laborers, since so large a percentage of them are extravagant, with 
tendencies to irregularity and prodigality. The efficiency of this 
class would be increased by a lower scale of wages. The opposite 
is true when we turn to the economic, conservative class, since the 
higher the wage the greater the incentive and the opportunity to 
accumulate. High wages in reality invite irregularity, since by 
working half time the negro can make sufficient to satisfy partially 
his spending wants during the other half. 

4. Absence of Investment Opportunity. — Many who denegerate 
both economically and morally could be saved from such a fate 
were there more investing opportunities in the field. The operators 
own almost all of the property in the vicinity of the mines, so that 
the negro who invests must save his money while in the field and 
invest it elsewhere. The temptation is too much for him. If he 
could purchase a small property and pay for it in small payments, 
he would save both his money and himself. 

5. Strikes. — Nothing is more destructive to the organization 
and efficiency of this class of labor than strikes. One of the largest 
operators in West Virginia informed me that, prior to the strike of 
1902, 50 per cent of his laborers were negroes ; whereas, in 1907 
they formed only 10 per cent. Negroes are entirely too suspicious 
of each other to become organized as a class, and are too unstable 
in their intentions to weather any kind of a protracted storm. 

6. Homes. — Comfortable and sanitary houses in which to live 
react upon the laborers of any class, and if these are uncomfortable 
and unsanitary, the efficiency of the labor will be lowered, how- 
ever regular be habits and conduct. In most parts of the field 
under discussion the houses are comfortable, but in manv cases 
they are unsanitary. The conditions are naturally worst in those 
houses which are occupied by the most transient laborers, since the 

(349) 



126 



The Annals of the American Academy 



owners feci that they cannot afford to spend so much on properties 
from which they receive so little. 

7. Saloons . — The general presence of saloons or accessibility 
to them throughout the West Virginia-Virginia-Kentucky part of 
the field is a very serious barrier to high efficiency. It reacts 
against the most healthful economic conditions. It is directly the 
cause of nine-tenths of the crimes committed, and is the cause of 
much of the vice prevailing. A number of careful and conserva- 
tive observers in the field gave it as their opinion that 25 per cent of 
the total wages of the negroes is spent for drink. The resulting 
reputation from the serious crimes committed makes the territory 
unattractive to many hard-working, capable individuals, who would 
raise the standard of average merit and efficiency by their presence 
and labor. 

8. Regulation . — The efficiency, not only of the negro laborers 
but of all classes of laborers, could be very materially raised by the 
employers instituting more severe regulations within their own oper- 
ations. \'ery few of the operators (two or three) penalize their 
laborers for crime and disorder. W'ere this done, there would 
result a distinctly higher standard of community life, and a more 
capable aggregation of miners. It is a natural and advisable way of 
weeding out those who by their conduct and gross irregularity 
prove themselves a nuisance to the mine owner and the mining com- 
munity. 

9. Protection . — The police protection of the mining districts 
is a very important factor in the general regulation of and realiza- 
tions from mining properties. A feeling of unsafety or uncertainty 
has its demoralizing effect both upon the workmen and their families. 
The absence of such protection gives the moral degenerate a free- 
dom, which not only decreases his own efficiency, but reacts upon all 
about him. Since mining property is ta.xed according to its pro- 
ductive value, it becomes the duty of the state to see to it, that those 
who are demanded for the operation of these properties, should have 
adequate protection by law. The operators should co-operate with 
the state to meet this necessity, and the greatest efficiency can never 
be realized, either from the negro miners or any of the other classes 
involved, until there is adequate administration for regulating 
the physical condition and the conduct of each member of the com- 
munity. 



(350) 



127 



The Negro Mine Laborer 



The Adjustment in Progress, and Prospective 

1. - Relative Deerease in Number Employed . — The statistics of 
the past decade, and the present economic conditions indicate that 
the demand for regular and efficient laborers is becoming more 
urgent each year. The relative percentage of negro mining laborers 
employed now is much less than it was ten years ago. The figures 
are not available for determining the relative decrease, but four of 
the largest operators, employing a total of more than 12,000 laborers, 
estimate that the proportion of their negro laborers has decreased 
more than fifty per cent since 1900. It is doubtful whether the 
present aggregation of negro miners is more efficient than it was in 
1900, but the regular and high producers are esteemed by their 
employers in a way in which they were not during that earlier 
period. 

The rapid development of the field and the improvements which 
have been made, both in equipment and organization, all combine to 
make the units of the organization of greater importance. Indeed, 
if intensity of language is any index, the mining operators have never 
thought so little of the irregular, irresponsible, unproductive miner. 

Another element is entering to accentuate this prejudice, 
namely, the rapid influx of foreign laborers, the majority of whom 
are very productive laborers so long as they can be satisfied. The 
organization of foreign labor is always more difficult in the estab- 
lishing stage of any line of work, and we therefore can expect that 
with the continued development of the various operations, the 
foreign labor will become more stable, efficient and satisfactory. 

In the face of this situation, we believe that nothing can prevent 
a differentiation of the negro labor, which will result in strengthen- 
ing the position of the better class of negro laborers, and in weeding 
out by selection the more inefficient. 

2. Machine Mining as a Competitive Factor . — IMachine mining 
becomes profitable only in large operations, where the conditions 
are favorable for the use of machinery. Within recent years the 
increase in the output of machine mined coal has been rapid, and 
there is no reason for believing that this rate of increase will be 
retarded, since consolidation throughout the area under discussion is 
in progress, and with the consolidation comes not only a more eco- 
nomic organization, but adequate capital for the development of 

(351) 



128 



The Annals of the Ameriean Academy 



properties on the most economic basis. We have already noted that 
the negro has yet to prove his ability to compete with American 
whites in the operation of mining machinery. 

3. Checks to Migration . — In all parts of the field investigated, 
where railroad construction, the growth of towns, and the mining 
of iron are in progress, the negro laborers show their preference for 
work of this character. We believe that the present industrial 
situation in the states, ( which supply the negro labor to this 
coal field,) points to a rapid increase in the demand for laborers 
in tbe home territory. The resources of Virginia, Tennessee, North 
and South Carolina are very great, and the demand for laborers in 
the fields of general construction and mining will be much increased 
in the near future. The growth of urban life in these states will 
also attract a large number of the negroes, many of whom would 
otherwise migrate to the coal field. Therefore the relative per- 
centage of the negro laborers employed in this coal field will be 
decreased from without, as well as from within. 



(352) 



SEASONAL OCCUPATION IN THE BUILDING 
TRADES— CAUSES AND EFFECTS 



By Luke Grant, 

Of the Chicago “Record-Herald.” 



Uncertainty of employment is a nightmare which perpetually 
haunts the average workingman. No work is the hardest work, if 
we may use a paradox. The problem of the casual laborer is becom- 
ing more acute with each passing year and unless a solution is found 
in the near future, it threatens the very life of our present indus- 
trial system. 

It is not the intention in the present article to deal with this 
problem in its entirety, but rather with that phase of it which is 
confined to the building industry. It might be shown that the casual 
laborer is, to a large extent, the product of our industrial system. 
Reared in the midst of unhealthful, insanitary surroundings, he has 
never been given a fair chance in life. When he entered the factory 
the pace soon became too fierce for his physical endurance ; he lost 
one job after another and finally \vas thrust aside into that group 
of casual laborers which is ever increasing in numbers. 

The army of the unemployed seen in our large cities is not com- 
posed of "never-works” as is often asserted by the ill-informed. In 
large part it is composed of the weaklings, unable to maintain the 
pace in the struggle for bread, and of the maimed and crippled, who, 
when their earning power was cut off by an industrial accident, 
were thrown on the human scrap-pile to shift for themselves as 
best they could. In addition to those, however, the army of the 
unemployed contains many men, strong and willing to work who 
are denied the opportunity. 

Seasonal occupation in the building trades may be attributed 
to a number of causes, principal among them being: 

1. Custom, which arbitrarily makes certain seasons of the year 
“renting” seasons. 

2. Commercialism, which makes quick returns on investments 
the foremost consideration. 

(353) 



130 



The Annals of the American Academy 



3. Reluctance to spend money until absolutely necessary, which 

develops the habit of putting oft' until to-morrow that 
which should be done to-day. 

4. Climatic conditions. 

“Busy” seasons in the building trades are artificially created. 
They are the result of customs which do not seem to answer any 
particular purpose. Some of these customs originated at a time when 
conditions were different from what they are to-day and we seem to 
accept them as a matter of course. Not only do they not answer 
any good puri)ose, but they work hardship on both employers and 
employees. 

In the days when the steam-heated apartment was unknown, 
there might have been good reasons for having interior decorating 
done only in tbe summer montbs. Those reasons do not apply 
to-day. It is a custom which makes the owner of a building wait 
until the beginning of May to have his home or office building reno- 
vated and decorated. We arbitrarily, in many cities at least, make 
I\Iay I “moving day.” Leases are made out to expire April 30. 
The moving germ, which we perhaps have inherited from nomadic 
days, is kept alive and fostered by custom to break out in virulent 
form at about the same time every year. There may be some doubt 
as to whether landlords make out leases to suit the habits of the 
people, or whether the habits are a result of the leases, but there is 
no doubt that the custom imposes hardships on every one concerned. 
The landlord and the tenant both have to pay more for labor because 
of tbe abnormal demand for it at that particular time. In a lesser 
degree similar conditions ])revail about October i, which also is 
made a renting season. This gives us the spring and fall rush 
seasons in the building trades. 

To illustrate this more clearly the working conditions of the 
paperhanger may be shown. Paperhanging is a special branch of 
the painting and decorating trade and with the specialization of 
industry has come to be regarded as a trade by itself. The paper- 
hanger does not look for work at his trade during the months of 
December, January and February. He has learned by experience 
that there is no work for him in those months. He endeavors to 
find work in a factory, or on street-cars or elevated railroads. If he 
is successful, as usually is the case, some less efficient worker is 
crowded out to make room for him. The unfortunate worker joins 

C354) 



Seasonal Occupation in the Building Trades 131 

the ranks of the unemployed army. In Marcli or April the paper- 
hanger quits his temporary job and returns to work at his trade 
and by May l he is working almost night and day. There appears 
no good reason why part of the work the paperhanger does in May 
might not have been done as well in January, except the custom 
referred to. 

What has been said of the paperhanger applies generally to the 
other building trades. The whole industry revolves around the 
renting seasons, always with the same results, namely, the concen- 
trating into a few weeks work that should be spread over months ; 
the scarcity of skilled workmen for a short time at the height of 
the season and a surplus of labor when the height of the season has 
passed. 

Taking up the second cause of seasonal occupation we find it 
intimately co-related to the first. The desire for quick returns on 
investments would not affect the building trades workman were it 
not for the renting seasons spoken of. Taken in conjunction with 
the renting seasons, however, it does have a material effect on his 
wel fare. 

Builders who invest capital in buildings for renting purposes 
make their calculations on the time required for construction with 
the utmost precision. The calculations are, of course, governed by 
the character of the building and may be two, three, or six months 
or longer but always with the renting season in view. If the build- 
ing is a small apartment house, the builder may calculate that under 
favorable circumstances he can complete it in tw'O months and have it 
ready for renting May i. Three months would be a safer calcula- 
tion but there would be an extra month’s interest on the investment 
before returns would begin to come in. It would not benefit the 
builder to have it completed April i for he would have small chance 
of renting it. He wants to have the tenants move in the day the 
workmen move out. As a matter of fact the tenant frequently 
moves in before the building is completed. The result is the usual 
rush and overtime work with the consequent inferior workmanship. 
The same rule applies to office buildings as well as dwelling houses. 
The business man who rents offices adheres as religiously to the 
“moving” habit as does the flat dweller. 

The habit mentioned as the third cause of seasonal occupation 
may be illustrated by the steamfitter. We have seen that the paper- 

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The Aiuials of the A))ierican Academy 



hanger does not expect to work at his trade during the months of 
December, January and February. The steamfitter has his dull 
season during the months of June, July and August. It is true that 
these months are dull for most of the building trades workmen, for 
the spring season is over and the fall season has not commenced. 
The steamfitter serves, however, for the purpose of illustration. 

At the close of winter the owner of a residence determines to 
have his furnace replaced by a hot-water plant. The change has 
become necessary and he has fully made his mind up on that point. 
He seldom, however, has the work done in the summer months when 
the steamfitter needs work. Instead he puts it off until the arrival 
of the first cold weather and then he wants the work completed in 
a day. There are thousands of others in jnst the same position. 
This particular house owner cannot understand why steamfitting 
contractors give so little attention to him. He is ready to pay the 
price and cannot see why he should have to wait. 

When ultimately he finds a contractor to do the work he notices 
that the journeyman steamfitter goes at his task in a very deliber- 
ate fashion. The steamfitter does not seem to hurry at all and the 
owner is paying perhaps as much as $10.00 a day for the steamfitter 
and his helper. He complains that he is being robbed and that 
steamfitters are the laziest workmen on earth. If he had installed 
that plant in July the labor cost that he would have saved would 
have been much greater than the interest on the money for the two 
or three months that he kept putting it off. In July the workmen 
would have been more industrious. Where the steamfitters are 
organized the wages would have been the same in July as in Novem- 
ber, but the amount of work done per day would, in all proba- 
bility, have been materially different. It is natural for the steam- 
fitter to feel secure when he knows there is not an idle man in his 
trade in the city. In the dull season it would have been different, 
for then he had the competition of the idle man on the street to 
reckon with. That fear of competition would have proved incentive 
enough to make him work to his full capacity. 

Climatic conditions may be said to be beyond human control 
but only in a slight degree are they responsible for the seasonal 
nature of work in the building industry. Outdoor work in the 
month of January in a temperate climate is at times impossible. 
Frequently it is unprofitable for employers and not congenial to 

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Seasonal Occupation in the Building Trades 



133 



workmen. Only a few trades, however, like bricklayers, structural 
ironworkers and carpenters are affected directly by weather condi- 
tions, It is true that their work must precede the interior work 
done by men in other trades, but this cause of seasonal occupation 
is so unimportant when compared with other causes that it need 
hardly be taken into consideration. The fact that with nearly 
all the building trades there is a dull season in the midsummer 
months, proves that the causes for enforced idleness are artificial and 
are, therefore, capable of being changed. 

What are the effects of this seasonal employment on the work- 
ers? We are accustomed to hear employers complain that workmen 
are interested in their work only for the wages they get. Whether 
the charge is wholly true or not, the uncertain nature of the 
building workman’s employment has a tendency to create such 
a condition in him. It is no reflection on the ability of a brick- 
layer, or a carpenter that he may work for a dozen employers 
in the course of a year. Under such circumstances it is hardly 
conceivable that he can have much personal interest in any 
one of his employers. He does not become attached to his job as 
might an iron molder or a machinist. He knows that as soon as 
the particular building on which he is working is completed, he will, 
as a rule, have to look for another job, no matter how efficient he 
may be. The building contractor cannot, like the manufacturer, in 
a dull season reduce working hours or manufacture stock to keep 
his gang together. This causes a large number of building me- 
chanics to be constantly out of employment, even in the busiest 
seasons. The individual may be idle but a day or less, but in the 
aggregate it means that hundreds in a large city are constantly in a 
state of transition from one building to another. It is largely due 
to this condition that the union headquarters has become an employ- 
ment office through which contractors and workmen are brought 
together with the least possible loss of time. 

The uncertain nature of the building mechanic’s employment 
is no doubt one of the reasons why he is better organized than other 
classes of workmen. The strongest unions are among the building 
trades and while there are other reasons for that, the constant 
changing of employers is one of the primary causes of good organi- 
zation. The workman neither seeks nor expects any favors from 
his employer and relies on his union for protection. 

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Another efifect of the uncertain employment is that it is apt to 
make workmen thriftless. There is nothing so calculated to break 
down moral standards as enforced idleness. Few workmen in the 
building trades would be willing to admit that they are thriftless. 
The answer given by an intelligent workman to the question : “Does 
the uncertain nature of the work in your trade make the men thrift- 
less?” will illustrate the view they take of it. 

“No,” this man replied, “I wouldn’t like to put it that way. I 
have observed, though,” he continued “that the men in our trade are 
more thrifty and industrious now that they receive high wages than 
they were twenty years ago when they worked for much less.” 

“The high wages have a tendency to make them thrifty?” 
“That undoubtedly is the case.” 

“Then, if they are more thrifty because the wages are 
higher per day, would not the same thing apply if the wages were 
higher per year, which they would be with steadier employment ?” 
“Well, if you put it that way I have no doubt they would, 
but I wouldn’t call them thriftless.” 

If we accept this workman's view, which is typical, it would be 
that building mechanics are thrifty now, but would be more so if 
they had steadier employment. 

It is a fact that most workmen live pretty close to their income 
and that it costs them more to live when they are idle than when they 
are working. This is readily understood. At work they have few 
opportunities to spend money ; searching for employment and meet- 
ing acquaintances they have many. Moral standards are uncon- 
sciously weakened or broken down in this way. 

It might be imagined that the periods of idleness are blessings 
in disguise to the workman, in that they break the monotony of the 
steady grind. That is not true. Enforced idleness is not conducive 
to rest either of mind or body. The uncertainty of “where the next 
month’s rent is to come from” preys on the mind of the idle work- 
man. The phrase quoted is common among the workmen and is used 
to show a condition rather than because of its literal truth. It is 
the steady income that counts and this is shown by the readiness 
with which a competent thrifty building mechanic will accept a 
steady position at a much lower daily rate of wages than he receives 
at his trade. A carpenter who can earn from $4.50 to 5.00 a day 
while employed by a contractor, will readily accept a position as a 

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Seasonal Occupation in the Building Trades 135 

house carpenter in an office building or department store where the 
wages may be $75.00 a month and he will consider himself a large 
gainer thereby. 

The paperhanger has been shown to go outside his trade in the 
dull season and get other employment. He is the exception in that. 
Few other skilled workmen do. One reason is that the skilled crafts- 
man has little confidence in his ability outside of his trade. Another 
reason is that there always is some work going on, even in the dull 
seasons, and he may be lucky enough to get a share of it. The paper- 
hanger knows he will be idle if he does not get work outside his 
trade. The carpenter, plumber or plasterer is different. Some work 
is being done in his line and while his chance of getting a share of it 
may not be better than one in three, there is still a chance. If he 
works one week in four during the dull season he considers himself 
fairly lucky and manages to get along. 

To what extent this uncertain employment affects the annual 
income of the building trades workman, or how much of it is due 
to the dull seasons referred to, it is difficult to determine accurately. 
There is one union in the United States in the building trades— the 
Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners — which pays its 
members an out-of-work benefit. It is the only union in the building 
industry which does, but what is true of carpenters would apply 
generally to other building trades. 

The rules of the organization referred to provide that a member 
may receive twelve weeks’ full benefit and twelve weeks’ partial 
benefit in any one year. This means twenty-four weeks’ benefit in 
each fifty-two weeks. When a member is shown in receipt of par- 
tial benefit, that in itself is prima facie evidence that he must have 
drawn twelve weeks’ full benefit within the previous twelve months. 
The following table, taken from the official reports of this union for 
the past year, will show to what extent its members were unem- 
ployed. It already has been noted that February is a dull month, 
that June also is dull following the spring rush season and that 
September is a busy month, as it is the height of the fall rush season. 
Following are the figures for the three months mentioned and they 
are not confined to any one city but cover the whole United States ; 



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Month. 

February, 1908 

June, 1908 .... 

September, 1908 

While the foregoing table is accurate, and is interesting as show- 
ing the proportion of members on partial benefit which, as already 
explained, proves that they must have drawn twelve weeks’ full bene- 
fit in the previous year, it does not tell the whole story. Last year 
was an exceptionally bad one in the building industry following the 
financial panic and that should be given consideration. On the other 
hand, many members entitled to benefit do not claim it and the rules 
provide that a member must be four successive days out of employ- 
ment, or four days in one week before he becomes entitled to benefit. 
The figures, therefore, do not show the short periods of lost time of 
less than four days’ duration. They do not show conclusively every 
idle workman for periods longer than four days, but they do prove 
that the proportion of idleness cannot be less than is shown, while 
it undoubtedly is considerably greater. 

Can anything be done to remedy the conditions shown? 

As long as wages arc paid by the hour, workmen will be laid off 
for short periods, even when not out of a job. Neither employers 
nor workmen want a change in the system of payment. The piece- 
work system will not be tolerated by the unions as they have found 
it bad from every standpoint. Owing to conditions peculiar to the 
industry, it is not practicable to pay wages by the week, or even by 
the day. The hour system has been found best for all interests, so 
that it is likely to continue. It seems improbable that anything can 
be done to remedy this “broken time” which has a serious efifect on 
the annual income of the building trades workman. 

The “dull’’ seasons and the “busy” seasons, which are artificially 
created, might be remedied by a more sensible distribution of the 
work. There is no good reason why leases should expire April 30 
rather than at any other time. Even where tenants take possession 
of new buildings in October which is a prevailing custom, the leases 
commonly are drawn to expire the following April. 

It is doubtful whether the custom of delaying the commence- 
ment of a building in order to save a month’s interest on the invest- 
ment is an economical one. If the builder, instead of crowding work- 

(360) 



Number 

of 

Members. 


Full 

Benefit. 


Per Cent. 


Partial 

Benefit. 


Per Cent, 


• 3,496 


1,024 


29.2 


248 


7.09 


■ • 3,350 


356 


10.6 


233 


6.9 


•• 3,123 


176 


5-6 


125 


4 - 



Seasonal Occupation in the Building Trades 



137 



men on a building so that they are literally in the way of one another, 
would extend the period of construction over a few more months, 
he would get better work, he would have less cause to complain 
about the scarcity of help at certain periods and the workmen would 
be greatly benefited by having a more regular income. 



ft 



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THE SUPPLY OF FARM LABOR 



By George K. Holmes, 

Chief of Division of Production and Distribution, Bureau of Statistics, United 
States Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C. 



Farm labor has presented the problem of a diminishing supply 
relative to population in this country since the days of original settle- 
ment. It is the old familiar problem of the industrial nations of the 
world. In this country until recent years the problem was almost 
entirely confined to the quantity of the supply ; but, during the last 
decade or two, the problem has assumed a new phase in which not 
only the amount of the supply relatively has almost critically declined, 
but the quality cither has absolutely declined or has failed in impor- 
tant degree to keep pace with requirements. 

The agricultural population was somewhat less than half the 
total population in 1880. More precisely of the persons having 
gainful occupations in that year 44.3 per cent were engaged in 
agriculture; in 1890, the fraction was 37.7 per cent; and in 1900, 
35.7 per cent. Another way of arriving at the fraction of the agri- 
cultural population is to compare the farm families with the total. 
In 1890 the families that cultivated farms as owners, tenants, or 
laborers were 37.6 per cent of all families and in 1900 the percentage 
was 35.2. How far the diminishing fraction will decline it is impos- 
sible to foresee. France by means of prohibitive protection has some- 
what arrested the decline ; Germany is attempting to do the same ; in 
the United Kingdom, still open to free trade with the surplus-pro- 
ducing agricultural countries of the world, the decline continues 
below the nation-sustaining fraction. 

In this country we have long had and still have an agricultural 
surplus of large jrroportions for foreign consumption, and we can 
continue to lose agricultural labor relative to urban life and indus- 
trial occupations in a much greater degree before we reach a balance 
between profluction and national consumption. The Assistant Sec- 
retary of Agriculture. Prof. W. M. Hays, estimates that the percent- 
age will decline to about 25 before this balance is reached. 

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The Supply of Farm Labor 



139 



In some prominent articles of agricultural production, exports 
have been declining for varying lengths of time ; in some others the 
exports either hold their own or continue to increase. In the former 
category are cheese, fresh pork, bacon, corn, oats, wheat and wheat 
flour. In none of these cases, however, is the decline due to the 
unreadiness of agricultural production to maintain the former export 
unless in the cases of oats, wheat and wheat flour. 

On the other hand, the national surplus is well maintained and 
in many cases increased, with a long list of items. Prominent in 
this list are cattle, sheep and horses ; butter and eggs ; both fresh 
and pickled beef ; lard, hams, pickled pork and mutton ; lard com- 
pounds, oleo oil, animal oils, oleomargarin and tallow ; cotton, both 
cottonseed and flaxseed oil cake and oilcake meal ; both cottonseed 
and linseed oil ; fresh and dried apples, prunes and raisins ; glucose, 
barley, malt and hops ; rice, rice bran, meal and polish ; leaf tobacco, 
onions and potatoes. 

So it appears that notwdthstanding conditions in the supply of 
agricultural labor which are often critical, our national surplus of 
agricultural production is still well maintained ; indeed, there are 
good reasons for believing that the surplus would increase in many 
articles if foreign markets would admit them, or if the products 
of the destructive agriculture of some new countries would not 
compete, or if facilities for caring for products and transporting 
them for long distances were available. 

In consequence of restrictions in the supply of agricultural 
labor, inevitable changes in individual farm areas have followed. 
These have been governed in details by the dififerent agricultural 
conditions of the various sections of the country, but the general 
trend has been everywhere the same. From 1880 to 1890 there was 
a tendency to the relative increase of medium-sized farms, but 
since 1890 the tendency has been toward the relative increase of 
farms below some middle acreage as, for instance, to the relative 
increase of farms under fifty acres in the North Atlantic and North 
Central divisions ; under 100 acres in the South Atlantic, South Cen- 
tral and Western divisions. The movement toward the diminishing 
area of individual farms is clearly the result of the requirement 
that the owner or tenant must provide most, if not all, of the labor, 
in addition to his own, out of his family. 

It is noticeable, however, that in a small degree the very large 

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The Annals of the Ameriean Academy 



farms are relatively increasing ; there are comparatively few of 
them, but for economic and perhaps other reasons they are gaining. 

The reason why agricultural labor could decline relative to 
national consumption and still leave the enormous national surplus 
at least undiminished and often increasing was forcibly expressed 
in the repprt of the United States Bureau of Labor concerning hand 
and machine labor, issued some years ago. The facts established in 
that report warrant these conclusions : 

From 1855 to 1894 the time of human labor required to produce 
one bushel of corn on an average declined from 4 hours and 34 
minutes to 41 minutes. This was because inventors had given to 
the farmers of 1894 the gang plow, the disc harrow, the corn planter 
drawn by horses, and the four-section harrow for pulverizing the 
top soil ; because they had given to the farmer the self-binder drawn 
by horses to cut the stalks and bind them ; a machine for removing 
the husks from the ears and in the same operation for cutting the 
husks, stalks and blades for feeding, the power being supplied 
by a steam engine ; because they had given to the farmer a marvelous 
corn-sheller, operated by steam and shelling one bushel of corn per 
minute instead of the old way of corn-shelling in which the labor 
of one man was required for 100 minutes to do the same work. 

In the matter of wheat production, 1894 being compared with 
1830, the required human labor declined from 3 hours and 3 minutes 
to 10 minutes. The heavy, clumsy plow of 1830 had given way to 
the disc plow that both plowed and pulverized the soil in the same 
operation ; hand-sowing had been displaced by the mechanical seeder 
drawn by horses : the cradling and threshing with flails and hand- 
winnowing had given way to reaping, threshing and sacking with 
the combined reaper and thresher drawn by horses. 

When men mowed the grass with scythes in i860, spread and 
turned it over for drying with pitchforks, when they raked it into 
windrows with a hand-rake, cocked it with a pitchfork, and baled it 
with a hand press, the labor time required per ton was 35 hours; 
but when for this method were substituted a mechanical mower 
drawn by horses, a hay-tedder, and a hay-rake and hay gatherers 
and stackers, all drawn by horses, and a press operated by a horse, 
the labor time was reduced to ii hours and 34 minutes. 

Herein lies the strength of the horse as an economic animal. 
He has been assailed by the bicycle, the electric street and suburban 

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The Supply of Farm Labor 



141 

car, and by the automobile, but all combined have not prevented 
horses from increasing in numbers and in value. As a source of 
farm power and as a substitute for human labor in combination with 
machines, the horse’s economic place on the farm is more strongly 
established than ever before ; but he may have future competitions 
with gasoline and alcohol. 

A short analysis of the agricultural labor of 1900 within the 
limits presented by the census may be in order. Of the total num- 
ber of persons engaged in agricultural pursuits for gain, 57.8 per 
cent were native whites with native parents, 10.6 per cent were native 
whites with foreign parents, 10.4 per cent were foreign whites, 20.6 
per cent were negroes; and 0.6 per cent were Chinese, Japanese and 
Indians. 

In comparison with 1890, the percentage of the total native 
whites with native parents, who were engaged in agriculture, declined 
by 3-7 ; of native whites with foreign parents by 0.7 ; of foreign 
whites by 3.3 ; and of negroes by 5.9. Observe the marked diminish- 
ing importance of the negro. From 1890 to 1900 the negroes 
engaged in agriculture barely increased in number, the gain being 
less than 200,000 in a total of 2,143,154 of all negroes engaged in 
agriculture in 1900. 

The fraction of the foreign-born of the agricultural population 
remained steady at about one-eighth to one-tenth from 1880 to 
1900. In more recent years the non-agricultural immigration has so 
diminished the foreign supply to agricultural labor that probably 
this fraction has diminished since 1900. The principal countries 
of nativity of the foreign element in our agriculture are Canada, 
England and Wales, Germany, Ireland, Norway and Sweden, no 
other country being represented by as much as one per cent of the 
persons engaged in agriculture. Agriculture in this country is the 
leading occupation of the males of Norwegian, Danish, Bohemian, 
Swiss, Swedish, German, Canadian (English), French, English and 
Scotch parentage. The countries that are now principally con- 
tributing immigrants are not supplying much agricultural labor. 

Census statistics of female agricultural labor afford no satis- 
factory conclusions. A general knowledge of farming conditions 
throughout the country, past and present, is more definite. The 
out-door work of women on the farms of medium and better sorts 
has very greatly declined from early days and the decline was more 

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The Annals of the American Academy 



especially marked after the Civil War. Farmers’ wives and 
daughters no longer milk the cows and work in the field and care for 
live stock. They do not work in the kitchen garden as much as 
before, nor assist so much in fruit and berry harvest ; they are making 
less butter, and cheese-making on the farm has become a lost art. 
They may care for the poultry and the bees, do housework and 
gather vegetables for the table, and cook and keep the dwelling in 
order. This is substantially the limit. 

The old-time domestic industries are all but forgotten. The 
women of the farm make no more soap, candles or lye, and so on 
with a long list of the domestic products of former days ; it is rare 
that one of the younger of the women knows how to knit. Thimigh- 
out large areas the pride of the housewife in great stores of pre- 
served, dried and pickled fruits, berries and vegetables exists chiefly 
in history, and dependence is placed mostly upon the local store for 
the products of the cannery and the evaporator. Perhaps the chief 
reason for this is the very restricted supply of hired women for 
domestic labor on the farm. This supply is below the demand and 
the consequence is that the women of the farmers’ families through- 
out the North must perform most of the household labor that is done. 

As far as female labor in the field is concerned, and, indeed, 
all labor outside the dwelling, except perhaps some labor devoted 
to poultry, flower beds and vegetable gardens, there is no present 
problem, nor will there be one in the future. Such labor has ceased 
and will not be revived and no one desires its revival. 

The foregoing statements apply to the whites : of course negro 
women still do much labor in the cotton field, but this diminishes 
year by year. 

In household matters, on the contrary, the situation is acute. 
Country girls as well as city girts, no matter how humble their 
lot in life, regard household labor for hire as unrespectable. Joined 
with this fact is the other one that the women of the farmer’s 
family are neither able nor willing to repeat the annual labor per- 
formance of their grandmothers on the farm. Besides this the 
farmer’s standard of living has risen, certainly for the medium and 
better sort of farms in the North and West ; and, in a perceptible 
degree, the women of the farmer’s family have engaged in social 
functions which are beginning to be incompatible with the perform- 
ance of household labor without the aid of a servant. The social ob- 

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The Supply of Farm Labor 



143 



ligations undertaken by them are for the Grange, the women’s clubs, 
the iMaccabees, the W'omen’s Christian Temperance Union, the local 
church, the farmers’ clubs, and a list that might be much extended. 

Returning now to the labor of men, some comment should be 
made upon the wages of hired labor. The nominal wages of this 
labor seem low, although they are now much higher than at any time 
in the past. The money wages of farm labor in the United States by 
the month for the year or season without board averaged $16.42 in 
1879; the increase was continuous to $19.10 in 1893: after which 
there was a decline to $17.69 in 1895 ; after the industrial depression 
of 1893-96, the rise of farm wages was continuous and reached the 
rate of $24.48 in 1906. The selection of years for mention is 
confined to those for which statistics were obtained by the United 
States Department of Agriculture. 

The money rate of wages of farm labor by the month for the 
year or season with board averaged $10.43 1879, $13.29 in 1893, 

$12.02 in 1895, after which the increase was continuous to $17.00 in 
1906. The expression of farm wages in money and as a rate is very 
misleading and is probably one of the most powerful causes of the 
dissatisfaction of the laborer and of his migration to higher nominal 
money rates of wages in the town and city. The farm laborer 
receives some things besides money in return for bis labor. More 
or less in local practice there are wage payments which take the 
form of bonuses, such as house rent, or the use of a garden plot, 
or pasturage for a cow, or milk for the daily use of the family, or 
firewood, or feed for a hog or two, or the use of horse and wagon 
for family pleasure on certain days. Then there is the low cost of 
living in the farm laborer’s favor as compared with the cost which he 
would find in the city, which makes his money wages much larger 
in fact than the rates indicate. This fact, however, has no weight 
with the farm laborer because it is not perceived by him. 

These failures to perceive and understand the full fact with 
regard to wage earnings tend to deplete the farm of its hired labor. 
Tbe recent rise in the money rate of wages may perhaps tend to 
hold wage labor to the farm. Not until the recent prosperous times 
in agriculture has the farmer been able to pay much higher wages 
than during the many years of agricultural overproduction and 
depression preceding 1897 or thereabouts. The farmer is now get- 
ting into a financial position where he may be able to hold country 

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The Annals of the American Academy 



labor from drifting to the city, especially if he expresses the entire 
wage in terms of money. The rate of increase of money wages on 
the farm since 1895 has been unprecedented. The increase of wage 
rates by the month or season without board was 38.4 per cent, with 
board 41.4 per cent; by the day in harvest without board 46.5 per 
cent, with board 55.4 per cent ; for ordinary labor by the day without 
board 55.6 per cent, with board 61.3 per cent. During the same time 
the increase of prices of all commodities as indicated by Bradstreet's 
prices index numbers was 35.8 per cent, so that the money wages of 
the farm laborer have increased in purchasing power as well as in 
number of dollars. 

Negro farm labor in the South presents special problems which 
are fully understood only by southern men. The census of 1890 
disclosed the fact that negro labor was leaving the farm and 
migrating to town and city, to the railroad, to the logging and lum- 
bering camp. The negro is still a necessity to southern agriculture, 
but he is gradually yielding his place to white labor. One of the old 
arguments in favor of slavery was that a white man could not work 
in a field under the southern sun and it is still a common belief in 
the North that southern farm labor is performed almost exclusively 
by negroes. This, however, is not the fact. ]\Iore than half the 
cotton crop is raised by white labor ; in Texas three-fourths or more. 
In the sugar and rice fields white labor is common and in some places 
all but exclusive. Negroes are often disposed to migrate in pursuit 
of chimeras, so that they are easily induced to go to other parts of 
the country when employment is promised to them, and agents to 
promote their migration are found where the states have not taxed 
them out of occupation or made it a criminal offence. 

As necessary as the negro is to agriculture in many parts of the 
South, he is easily displaced wherever he meets fairly good white 
competition. One reason for this is the fact that the negro is com- 
monly not amenable to the control of his employer. He is not a 
steady worker and any morning may fail to appear for duty, and this 
without previous notice and without certainty of his return at any 
definite time. Ex-Governor Northen of Georgia, characterized the 
situation some years ago with the following words: “We have not 
diversified our crops, because the negro has not been willing to 
diversify. We have not used improved machinery on our farms, 
thereby economizing expenses, because the negro is not willing to 

(368) 



The Supply of Farm Labor 



145 



use such implements. We have not improved our soil, because the 
negro is not willing to grow crops to be incorporated into the lands, 
nor leave his cotton seed to be returned to the fields that he has 
denuded of humus and all possible traces of fertility. Because he is 
unwilling to handle heavy plows, we have permitted him to scratch 
the land with his scooter just deep enough to allow all the soil 
to be washed from the surface, leaving our fields practically barren 
and wasted. We have not raised stock on the farm because the 
negro starves the work animals we put into his hands for his per- 
sonal support. We have accepted his thriftless and destructive 
methods simply because under our present system we have not been 
able to help ourselves. If this be true, our present system in this 
relation is absolutely ruinous and it will not invite the residence of 
intelligent settlers from the outside.” 

The farm laborer can still become a farm owner throughout 
large areas. The old familiar proceeding that resulted in the won- 
derful production of the northern half of the Mississippi Valley 
was the beginning as a farm laborer followed by farm purchase 
under mortgage and eventual ownership free of debt. This process 
can still be followed in the East, in the South and in the Pacific 
Northwest, but throughout large portions of the North Central 
states a man must be “rich” before he can become a farmer. 

The movement of farm labor to town and city or to industry 
and transportation is to be accounted for quite as much by the 
student of psychology as by the student of economics. To the farm 
laborer who has been in the city little if any, there is a glamour in 
city life which has a powerful influence upon his volition. The case is 
similar to that of the boy who runs away from home to hunt Indians. 
When this is joined to the greater nominal rate of wages that can be 
earned in the city, the combination of a little reasoning with a great 
deal of imagination is sure to rob the farmer of his hired man. 

The contrary movement of people from town and city to coun- 
try and farm began in the fifties of the last century in the establish- 
ment of country homes in Berkshire County, Mass., by w'ealthy men ; 
but, of course, that was not primarily an agricultural movement, 
although agriculture resulted. Since that beginning the country- 
ward movement of this sort has grown enormously, often reaching 
out TOO miles or more from a city and in instances much farther. 
This movement is of such a sort that it adds to the local demand for 

(369) 



146 The Annals of the American Academy 

farm labor, which may be supplied locally, or if not, by labor brought 
from other country places or from cities. 

The movement from city to farm for the purpose of permanent 
farm life and labor, either for hire or under ownership, has hardly 
become general enough in this country to present recognizable pro- 
portions. There is a little of this movement here and a little there, 
but nearly all cases are sporadic. Many colonies have been organ- 
ized and established during the last century and some of them have 
been successful in agriculture, but as far as they represent a move- 
ment from city to farm, all of them combined have not contributed 
a perceptible movement. The success of the Salvation Army with 
several colonies of very poor people taken from cities to establish 
agricultural communities would seem to indicate that there is room 
for development along the same line, but this development requires 
a strong arm of control, the ability to command credit and to 
advance money to the colonists, it demands constant supervision 
and control for at least a considerable number of years, and, most 
important of all in a movement of this sort, it requires the selection 
of the very best and most industrious, intelligent and promising 
families. Experience with labor and agricultural colonies in Europe 
has clearly demonstrated that it is only with picked families, if they 
are taken from the slums, that economic success can be achieved. 

There is one sort of labor that goes from city to farm which 
has become large enough to lie perceptible, and that is seasonal 
labor for employment, not in general farming operations, but for 
special purposes. The migration of men from cities to follow the 
wheat harve.st from Oklahoma to North Dakota is the best known 
feature of this sort of farm labor. It is not so generally known that 
women and children and some men, too, go from the city to the 
farm at certain seasons to harvest cucumbers to be sold to the pickle 
factory, to pick, grade, pack and dry fruits, to harvest hops and 
berries and dig potatoes, and so on with other crops that need a rush 
of labor at time of harvest. Some labor of this sort is applied also 
to the cultivation of crops, as in pidling weeds from beets and 
onions ; but this labor does not seem to be used much for cultivating 
crops and not at all for planting. The conspicuous feature of the 
agriculture that utilizes this seasonal labor is that it is intensive. 
There is high production per acre, so that the wages paid are fully 
competitive with city rates. 



(370) 



The Supply of Farm Labor 



147 



It is one of the strange facts of life that a man born and bred in 
he city is adaptable to the country with difficulty, if at all, whereas the 
countryman readily adapts himself to the city and to all sorts of 
occupations therein. It may seem senseless in social economy that 
there should be many thousands of idle men in the city and a long 
“bread line” at a time when farmers are worrying because of a 
short labor supply, but as a matter of fact the idle workmen if taken 
to the farm would need constant and close supervision for a long 
time, and the net result of their labor would not warrant the payment 
of customary wages, and perhaps not wages above sustenance. As 
for the bread line, it is safe to say that any farmer would prefer a 
plague of insects. 

Another obstacle to the migration of labor from the city to the 
farm is the change from noise to quietude. It would seem as though 
the incessant pounding of violent sound waves upon the nerves 
creates a craving for their continuance, just as frequent and con- 
tinued use of morphine creates an irresistible habit. Whether this 
is to be accepted as a statement of a pathological condition or as only 
a simile, the fact seems to be that, psychologically and economically, 
the man born and bred in the city appears to be shut up there like 
a rat in a trap. 

The requirements of the farm in the character of the labor 
employed are changing radically. The labor to be performed by 
the owner should be governed by extensive information and con- 
siderable scientific knowledge. A successful farmer at the present 
time may need considerable knowledge of chemistry, of bacteri- 
ology, of economic entomology, of the pathology and physiolog)" of 
plants and animals ; of plant and animal breeding, of fungicides and 
insecticides, of the conservation of soil moisture ; of botany, pomol- 
ogy, viticulture, horticulture, and certainly much concerning the 
practical handling and marketing of his products. The hired laborer 
does not need to know so much and yet he should be at least 
moderately intelligent and well informed. The hired man must 
know that it will not do to strike with his milking stool the cow he 
is milking, nor to set the dog upon her, and he must habitually 
enter the poultry house without causing a commotion among the 
fowls, or else milk and egg production will be diminished. He 
must have some knowledge of the strength of materials in order that 
tools and machinery may not be broken. He must be familiar with 

(371) 



148 



The Annals of the American Academy 



the tricks of plowing, and he must understand that he should not let 
the corn cultivator run deep enough to sever the roots of the corn 
plants. In a thousand and one particulars, knowledge and intelli- 
gence are required in the operations of the most successful farmer. 

The foregoing analysis of the situation concerning the supply 
and character of farm labor indicates what must he done in the 
future to conserve and increase the supply, if increase is needed. 
The farmer would not need to get his labor from the cities if he 
could hold the country population to the soil, and the recognition 
of the importance of retaining the children on the farm and of 
keeping country labor from migrating to cities is governing most 
of the work by nation and states in behalf of agriculture. 

The old practice was to trust to the printed page for the instruc- 
tion of the farmer, but in the course of time it was found that this 
was poorly productive of results. Then followed the farmers’ 
institute movement, which consisted of lectures, sometimes later 
with practical demonstrations. In the meantime the United States 
Department of Agriculture and the experiment stations got into 
more practical lines of work by means of special advice in special 
cases, formerly by mail and now also by personal visits ; so that it 
has been discovered that the most successful promotion of agri- 
cultural knowledge and practice is caused hy practical demonstra- 
tion under the observation of the farmers to be instructed. 

Along with this is the very recent movement to instruct country 
children in agriculture at the beginning of their school life and to 
continue this instruction to the high school and the college. In this 
way the foundation will be laid for successful farming, and such 
farming implies the retention of children upon the farm. 

Still further and to the same end many agencies are at work 
upon the country people to improve their dwellings, their modes of 
living, their home life and their social life, which are already begin- 
ning to count against the unpleasantness of country life and in favor 
of making such life attractive. Influences of this sort, joined to 
the agricultural education of the young and to the practical teaching 
of the farmer how to do by doing, at a time when farming is pros- 
perous and profitable, may be depended upon to save to our agri- 
culture all the labor it will need for the maintenance of our national 
self-sufficiency. 



(372) 



THE INFLUENCE OF IMMIGRATION ON AGRI- 
CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT 



By John Lee Coulter, Ph.D., 

Instructor in Economics of Agriculture, University of Minnesota, 

Minneapolis, Minn. 



If we are working for the best economic welfare of the United 
States as a whole, including all of its industries, it is surely true that 
“we cannot have too much of the right kind of immigration; (and) 
we cannot have too little of the wrong kind ...” In order to 
secure any results we must exclude the undesirables and prop- 
erly distribute the desirables. Distribution here must be taken 
to mean placing the acceptable immigrants in touch with the indus- 
tries in which they expect to spend their lives, and showing them 
where the best opportunities are within the industries selected. In 
controlling immigration we must first of all put aside the cry of 
“America for Americans” and justify our acts according to the 
needs of the different industries with special reference to the differ- 
ent needs of any industry or sub-industry in different communities. 

If this much is accepted we may at once add that, although the 
cities are overcrowded with immigrants and the country is in need 
of more people, it may be a poor policy to try to dump the surplus 
from the cities on the country districts. Agriculture has so long 
been looked upon as the dumping ground of all surplus labor in case 
of city industries, of all poverty-stricken persons in case of famines 
and all revolutionary individuals in case of disruption in European 
countries, that it is hard to realize that we have reached the state 
where farming in practically all of its branches requires a very high 
order of intelligence and the capacity to grasp and use a great 
variety of scientific facts. 

We may, therefore, say that, although it is true that we need 
farm labor very much, as a relief for current immigration, agri- 
cultural distribution is not promising. If the entire mass of immi- 
grants were divided and distributed as they arrive, agriculture prob- 
ably would not suffer much or refuse her share ; but the surplus 
which it is often suggested might be sent to the country generally 

(373) 



150 The Annals of the American Academy 

has reference to the refuse immigration which is not wanted in the 
industries clustered in large manufacturing or distributing centers. 

There are two great classes of immigrants that can find room 
in various branches of the agricultural industry. The first class 
is composed of those from overcrowded agricultural communities 
tn their home countries. On account of the high state of development 
of their industry they can teach us much which we have failed to 
take advantage of and which would result in the uplift of many of 
the sub-industries in agriculture in this country. These should be 
urged to bring with them their home industries and introduce new 
phases of agriculture into this country. The United States has been 
spending millions of dollars in introducing new plants, animals and 
methods of farming from other countries. At the same time little 
groups of foreigners such as the Swiss of Wisconsin or later the 
Italians in some southern districts, formerly thought of as the least 
desirable immigrants have settled in our midst and put into practice 
their home training which has resulted in the establishment of great 
industries such as the Swiss cheese industry. The class of immi- 
grants most desired is, therefore, those who will add most to the 
industry they enter. But it is not necessary that the immigrants 
should introduce some new sub-industry or be in advance of us in 
their methods in order to make them eligible to enter the agricultural 
industries. We may say as a general proposition that farmers from 
nearly any agricultural community in Europe would be acceptable in 
some of the agricultural industries of this country. For short periods 
and in the case of some few nationalities the old settlers have objected 
and doubtless will object in some communities to individual immi- 
grants; but after a short display of sentiment or prejudice has been 
put aside, farmers from other countries are reasonably sure to meet 
with favor and success in agriculture here. If, therefore, reasonable 
precautions are taken the immigrants referred to, even though they 
bring no new industry, will not become public charges, but will add 
to the general prosperity of the country. The class objected to, the 
refuse from other industries, not only adds nothing new but is apt 
either to lower the standard of the agricultural industry or to become 
a public charge. 

But it is not enough to encourage one class of immigrants and 
discourage or prohibit others. The immigrants must not only come 
from rural districts in their mother country ; if they are to succeed, 

(374) 



Influence of linniigration on Agricultural Dcz'clopincn 151 

they must be properly located here. Probably the most important 
single condition is that immigrants should be directed toward and 
urged to locate where their physical environment will correspond 
as nearly as may be to that of their mother country. By that I mean 
that not only should the climate be nearly the same, but the precipi- 
tation, the soils and the topography should approach that of their 
former home, if possible. Failure to satisfy these preliminary 
requirements has resulted in almost complete failure or a long period 
of suffering, while attention to these factors has produced unpre- 
dicted successes. 

The next consideration of singular importance is that the social 
environment should be acceptable. If the agricultural operations 
are not close to a city where others of the same nationality are 
employed in other industries, it is desirable — almost necessary — 
that a considerable number be allowed, even induced, if need be, 
to settle in a community. At first, they will live as a world apart, 
but they give off ideas and take on others and at the end of a gene- 
ration or two a few intermarriages will have broken down the hard 
and fast wall between settlements. Common markets, interchange of 
labor supply, contests between settlements, political and other con- 
flicts, and back of it all the common school system, soon result in an 
amalgamated, assimilated race. 

The next consideration which should be held in mind in deter- 
mining upon the distribution of immigrants among the different 
branches of the agricultural industry is the economic status of the 
people to be distributed and their plans or ambitions for the future. 
Thus, some are independent laborers, others ready to become tenants 
and still others to be land owners. Some plan to be employees as 
long as they stay ; some of these would plan to save a snug fortune 
in a few years and return to the mother country, others to earn and 
use the returns from year to year. Some plan to step up to the posi- 
tion of tenant and employer, others are ready to enter that state at 
once. Some are ready to become land owners and independent 
farmers by purchase of land in settled districts, others with less 
capital would go to the frontier with poorer markets and grow up 
with the country, enduring hardships but accumulating wealth. 
There is room for all of these classes of people in nearly all parts of 
the country. 

Although there are other factors to be taken into consideration 

(375) 



152 The Annals of the American Academy 

in any extended study of this question, the limits of this paper make 
it necessary to confine the study to a brief statement of some of the 
more important, and we may now briefly illustrate these with some 
of the experiences of immigrants which have come under notice. 
The extended successes accompanied by individual failures of 
the English-speaking peoples who early entered the agricultural 
industry of this country need not be expanded upon here. Neither 
will any detailed treatment of the extensive settlement by Germans 
in the north central states during the last half century be made. 
We may place the general influx of Scandinavians into jMinne- 
sato and the Dakotas in the same class and pass by all of 
these — which means the great bulk of immigrants of agricultural 
people — with the statement that they represent success and with the 
assumption that students of economics know of these classes and 
know of their successes. It is because we are too apt to stop at this 
point and say that other nationalities as a rule have little or nothing 
to ofifer that this paper is presented. The writer would emphasize 
the fact that we have room for farmers from many lands, assum- 
ing that we act intelligently in our choice and properly distribute 
those who come. 

The large Swiss settlement in Green County, Wisconsin, illus- 
trates success in the introduction of a new sub-industry of great 
importance. Having struggled for years trying to farm in the 
American way, these immigrants finally turned to the great industry 
of their home country They had settled in a physical environment 
which was very much like what they left abroad. Now several 
hundred cheese factories are prospering and millions of pounds of 
cheese are annually placed upon our markets. A study of that 
particular case shows that about 99 per cent of the cheese made is 
of fancy or foreign varieties. IMost of it is the famous Swiss cheese. 
It should also be noted that nearly all of those engaged in making 
this cheese and in buying and selling it are Swiss or of Swiss origin. 
The writer feels that this colony is a great success, is the kind of 
thing this country wants, is the basis of prosperity in our agriculture 
and must not be condemned because of the fact that broad Swiss 
is sometimes spoken or because the thousands of members of the 
district are not assimilated during the first generation. The writer 
has found individuals and small groups of settlers from this colony 
and from “the old country’’ moving far up into the Northwest 

(376) 



Influence of Immigration on Agricultural Development 153 

carrying with them the information and ambition to start other 
colonies as prosperous as the old one. The acquisition of such an 
industry is as valuable to this country as the introduction of a new 
plant that may have required the expenditure of a hundred thousand 
dollars. 

Turning from this prosperous Swiss district, we may direct our 
attention to a Bohemian center in northwestern IMinnesota. The 
Swiss had sent explorers ahead to find a desirable location before 
coming to this country and settling down. The Bohemians were in 
no greater financial straits in their home country than the Swiss had 
been, but they were brought in and located by great transportation 
companies. The soil where the Bohemians were “dumped” is very 
good ; precipitation and topography are good ; but the country needs 
an expensive drainage system. The poor immigrants are not in a 
position to establish it. The result is that for some fifteen years we 
have had before our eyes a Bohemian colony numbering hundreds 
of people, unable to establish a prosperous community because 
of unfavorable natural conditions. These people are efficient and 
willing. The state was at fault in allowing the mistake to take place, 
and it continues open to blame for not taking more active steps 
toward improvement. In passing from house to house in that dis- 
trict, an interpreter was often necessary, but not because the people 
did not wish to learn the English. Each year sees the children 
mingling more with the outside neighborhood and learning our 
language, customs and laws. These people will succeed in time, 
despite obstacles, but some common-sense assistance would hasten 
the day of their prosperity. 

In other parts of the United States large settlements of Bohe- 
mians of no higher standard are prosperous and happy. As an 
illustration of the status that should obtain the writer would refer 
to some of the very prosperous communities of Poles and 
Icelanders in North Dakota and elsewhere. No class of citizens, 
whether immigrants or descended from immigrants half a dozen 
steps removed, could ask for greater material progress, better build- 
ings — homes, churches, schools and town buildings — than the Polish 
settlement around Warsaw, Poland, Minto, and Ardock in 
Walsh County, North Dakota. The writer’s knowledge of 
this and other communities of like character leads him to say that to 
encourage such settlements is to foster prosperity and frugality as 

(377) 



154 



The Annals of the American Academy 



well as to place the stamp of approval upon a home-loving, land- 
loving class of farmers. If we pass on to settlements of Russians 
we may say nearly the same as above. With a love for land and 
home which is almost beyond our understanding, these people are 
too often frugal to a fault. They come with a low standard of 
living and during the first generation the standard does not rise 
much. But the change soon comes. The children, or at least the 
grandchildren, become thoroughly American unless the immigrants 
have been located in an environment where success is impossible. 
In this connection we might refer to such concrete cases as the 
settlements in central and western North Dakota, or the large 
prosperous colony in Ellis County, Kansas, or the newer settlements 
in the Southwest. 

Nor need we stop with the Swiss, Bohemians, Polanders, Ice- 
landers and Russians. If we turn our attention to the Italians 
coming into the South we find them filling the various places demand- 
ing attention. There is a large demand for white labor, and the 
mass of Italians who do not intend to make this their life home 
more and more fill a long-felt need. With the great numbers of 
IMexicans coming across the line for part of a season this demand 
may gradually be better and better satisfied. There is also a large 
demand for tenants, and this cry is being answered by Italians. 
These newcomers are not only fitting into the cotton-growing indus- 
try in competition with the colored people, but are proving their 
efficiency in vegetable and fruit farming. Of late years such settle- 
ments as that of Italians at Tontitown, Arkansas, in the Ozark 
]\Iountains, show also that Italians can bring their home industry 
with them and succeed here. They not only settle down as digni- 
fied farmers, but actually teach our farmers many things. Vege- 
tables, apples, plums, grapes and other fruits are successfully grown. 
If the colony located at Sunnyside, Arkansas, at an earlier date 
was a failure at first, it is no sign that Italians cannot succeed in 
agriculture. Immigrants, largely from other industries, placed in 
competition with negroes in production of a crop that they knew 
absolutely nothing about, under foremen accustomed to drive slaves, 
in a swamp country— hot and sickly to newcomers — attacked by 
malarial fever and losing a large number of the first settlers, it is not 
to be wondered at that failure was threatened. But success has 
come even in that case, where failure at first stared all in the face. 

(37S) 



Influence of Immigration on Agricultural Development 155 

colonies like the Brandsville Swiss settlement in Missouri, 
with the Italians and Russians coming even into old New England, 
with Mexicans pushing up into the Southwest, and with other 
nationalities gradually finding their own, we may indeed turn our 
attention toward the agricultural industry as a much neglected field. 
The cry of “back to the land” will not go unheeded by immigrants 
who have come from farms in their mother country if any reasonable 
amount of effort is put forth to “assist them to find themselves.” 
Reference might also be made to the Jewish farm problems of 
the Middle Atlantic States, problems which have importance as far 
west as Wisconsin ; and to the Japanese and Chinese agricultural 
labor problems of the far West and Southwest. There are possi- 
bilities here which few people have yet appreciated. The question 
of demand for seasonal agricultural labor and the possibilities of 
continual labor by passing from one industry to another in neigh- 
boring districts or following the same industry from one part of 
the country to another, are left untouched. With them are left 
the problems of farm wages and treatment of agricultural labor, 
and also of services rendered by the farm laborer.^ 

'For a brief article by the author on “The Status of the Farm Laborer in the 
North Central States,” see “Wisconsin Student Farmer,” 1008. 



(379) 



THE ITALIAN AS AN AGRICULTURAL LABORER 



By Professor Alberto Pecorini, 
American International College, Springfield, Mass. 



It is a well-known fact that Italy is eminently an agricultural 
country. That she is bound to remain almost exclusively agricul- 
tural in the future no one can assert ; in fact, the developments in 
Northern Italy in the last fifty years would rather demonstrate the 
contrary. It can, however, be safely asserted that Italy cannot 
expect to develop those industries in which large ciuantities of steel 
and coal are necessary, for she does not produce them. Her water 
power, if developed, will serve very well for traction purposes and 
the textile industries ; aluminum may to some extent prove a sub- 
stitute for iron, but it is difficult to imagine the great construction 
industries without steel. Even the water power is available chiefly 
in the sub-alpine region, so that in any event it would seem that 
more than one-half of the people of Italy may always have to rely 
on agriculture as their chief means of subsistence. In the year 1908, 
out of a total number of 25,386,507 persons above nine years of 
age in Italy, 9,611,003, of whom 6,411,001 were males and 3,200,002 
females, were occupied in agricultural pursuits. Therefore, it has 
been expected that Italians in the Lmited States would naturally 
turn to agriculture, and many observers not seeing them become 
agriculturists have proclaimed the Italian immigrant a failure. 
These persons forget that what an immigrant population will do in 
a new land depends not on what it has been doing at home, but on 
what it conceives to be the best thing to do in the country to which 
it migrates. So it happens that the Norwegian sailor makes even- 
tually an excellent farmer in Kansas or in the Dakotas and the 
Italian peasant works in the mills of New York City or of New 
England. 

The countries of northwestern Europe are far more advanced 
in their industrial transformation than the countries of southeastern 
Europe and yet it happened that the stream of immigration from 
northwestern Europe (England, Ireland, Scotland, Norway, 
Sweden, Germany) was a principal cause of the agricultural expan- 

(3«o) 



The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer 



157 



sion of the United States, while the stream of immigrants from 
southeastern Europe (Greece, Italy, Austria, Hungary, Poland, 
Russia) has been recently a cause of the great industrial expansion 
of this country. 

Some observations on two typical decades will clearly demon- 
strate this assertion. During the decade from 1870 to 1880 the 
stream of immigration from northwestern Europe was at its height ; 
during the decade from 1895 to 1905 the immigrants from south- 
eastern Europe predominated. If the agricultural progress of the 
United States during these two decades is to be judged by three of 
the principal products we find : 



Year. 


Corn, Bu. 


Wheat, Bu. 


Oats, Bu. 


1870 


760,944,549 


287,745,626 


282,107,157 


1880 


1,754,861,535 


459,479,503 


407,858,900 


1895 


2,151,139,000 


467,103,000 


824,444,000 


1905 


2,707,993-540 


692,979,489 


953,216,197 



If as a basis we take the exports from the United States during 
the same decades we find ; 



Year. 


Agricultural. 


Per Cent. 


Manufactured. 


Per Cent 


1870 


$361,188,483 


79 


$68,279,769 


IS 


1880 


685,961,091 


83 


102,856,015 


12 


1895 


553,210,026 


69 


183,595,743 


23 


1905 


820,865,405 


55 


543,607,975 


36 



If for the last twenty years during which the stream of immi- 
gration has been predominantly from southeastern Europe we com- 
pare the industrial progress of the United States with that of the 
chief industrial countries of Europe we find; 



Countries. 


Industrial 

1888. 


Products. 

1908. 


Increase 


United Kingdom 


, . . . . $3,990,000,000 


$5,000,000,000 


25 % 


Germany 




4,600,000,000 


62% 


France 




3,450,000,000 


46% 


United States 




13,004,000,000 


85% 



The fact is then that the immigrants from southeastern Europe 
and especially from Italy may have been an agricultural failure but 
they certainly have been an industrial success. 

Italian immigration was at its height just when the crying need 



158 The Annals of the American Academy 

of this country was for mill workers and unskilled laborers of every 
kind for the building industries. No wonder that the Italians 
crowded into the large cities of the northeast and were chiefly 
employed in manufactures, just as forty years ago the crying 
need of the country being for more agricultural workers the immi- 
grants from northwestern Europe went to the West and settled 
there. 

The Italian working population of the United States is approxi- 
mately 1,200,000. Of these the condition in Italy was as follows d 



Engaged in agriculture • 800,000 

Engaged in trades and industries of all kinds, including mines.... 400,000 

Living in towns of less than 10,000 inhabitants 1,000,000 

Living in towns of more than 10,000 inhabitants 200,000 



Their condition in the United States is approximately as follows : 



Engaged in agriculture 80,000 

Engaged in the mines of all kinds 100,000 

Working in industrial establishments of all kinds 500,000 

Working in the building industries of all kinds, including the railroads 520,000 

Living in centers with less than 10,000 population 200,000 

Living in centers with more than 10,000 population 1,000,000 



It then appears that while 67 per cent of all the laboring Italians 
of the United States were engaged in agriculture at home only 
6.60 per cent are actually engaged in agriculture in this country. 
But there is a still more surprising fact. Of the 1,200,000 laboring 
Italians mentioned 80 per cent came from Southern Italy and Sicily, 
regions that are almost exclusively agricultural, and 20 per cent 
came from Northern Italy, a region where the industrial develop- 
ment in the last years has been most rapid ; yet of the Italians 
engaged in agriculture in the United States more than 50 per cent 
are from Northern Italy. 

This same phenomenon is also illustrated by the condi- 
tion of the Italians in the South-American countries. The Italian 
working population of South America may be estimated at 1,200,- 
000, of whom 45 per cent come from Southern Italy ; yet 60 per cent 
of the whole number of Italians in those regions are engaged in 

iThe following figures are approximate estimates, made upon official and 
private information taken from a very iarge nnmfier of sources. 

(382) 



159 



The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer 



agriculture. In Europe and Northern Africa the condition is 
reversed. Of the Italian emigrants to the various countries of cen- 
tral Europe 90 per cent belong to Northern Italy and almost all of 
them are engaged in the industries and mines while the emigration 
to Northern Africa is composed 95 per cent of Italians from South- 
ern Italy and Sicily and of them fully 80 per cent are engaged in 
agriculture. 

From all these facts it appears that the Italians whether from 
Southern or Northern Italy have in themselves the necessary quali- 
ties to “make good" both in agricultural and in industrial pursuits, 
and that their occupation in the country to which they migrate 
depends entirely upon the economic condition of that country and 
the opportunities it offers and not upon their particular preferences. 

Before proceeding farther it seems appropriate to study a 
little in detail the Italian as an agricultural worker in the United 
States. In three distinct fields the Italian has developed himself as 
an agricultural worker in this country : truck farms, extensive agri- 
culture and fruit raising. Let us consider these three departments 
of agriculture separately. That the Italian is immensely better 
adapted to intensive than to extensive agriculture cannot be dis- 
puted for a moment. It is true that he may lack the technical knowl- 
edge regarding fertilizers, but this knowledge is acquired much 
sooner than the knowdedge necessary to handle complicated 
machinery used in extensive agriculture. On the other hand, the 
Italian has many of the qualities that go to make an excellent inten- 
sive farmer : he loves the land, he excels in those operations which 
can only be made by hand and require a great deal of patience, and 
he understands irrigation. He also prefers to live close to other 
persons rather than isolated and he ardently desires to own his 
little piece of land as soon as possible. 

Many Italians living in the large cities of the eastern states 
have learned how much profit they could get out of the surrounding 
lands by raising vegetables and poultry, which products find a ready 
and excellent market in the city near at hand. Thus during the 
last ten years a considerable number of farms, abandoned by the 
Yankees who go west or enter business in the city, have been occu- 
pied by Italians in the western part of the State of New York, 
and in the Connecticut Valley. It has been impossible to ascer- 
tain with any degree of accuracy even the approximate number 

(383) 



i6o The Annals of the American Academy 

of farms owned by Italians in the regions named ; one of my 
informants claims that in the States of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut and New York over five hundred farms are occupied by 
Italians. That this is a continuous process seems to be well ascer- 
tained. The young son of a New England or a New York farmer 
who comes out of college does not know what to do with his 
father’s farm ; he wants to go into business or practice a profession 
in the city and is therefore ready to sell the farm for any little sum 
that may be sufficient to make his start. 

Truck farming has been more developed by the Italian in New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania and the Carolinas than in the regions before 
mentioned. The southern part of New Jersey has a very large num- 
ber of Italian farmers. The principal centers are at Vineland, Ham- 
monton and the vicinity of Trenton and Newark. At Vineland and 
Hammonton the Italian farmers are fairly prosperous ; they are 
mostly from Piedmont and a large majority of them own their 
land and have built comfortable brick houses besides. There are in 
those localities Italian farmers who make as much as $5,000 a year 
out of a few acres of land. In Pennsylvania the Italian farmers are 
mostly in the vicinity of Philadelphia and Pittsburg ; almost all the 
Italian farmers of Pennsylvania started as industrial workers in the 
mills and mines and decided afterwards that they could get their 
means of subsistence from the land with greater peace and less 
danger. In Ohio there are Italian truck farms in the vicinity of 
Cincinnati and Cleveland. Near Cincinnati fruits are raised in good 
quantities. The vicinity of Chicago has also quite a number of 
Italians farmers, many of whom manufacture sausage after the 
Italian fashion. This sausage is sold in the Italian cpiarters of all 
the large cities of the East and seriously menaces to drive out of 
the market the imported Italian kind. The Carolina Trucking 
Development Company of Wilmington, N. C., some years ago began 
extensive operations in the vicinity of Wilmington and Italians 
have been attracted in good numbers. The plan of the company is 
to make the Italians owners of the land by small payments. The 
enterprise seems thus far to be a success, largely because the great 
markets of Philadelphia, Washington and New York are relatively 
near and the products can be disposed of at good prices. More 
recently the Long Island Railroad Company has established an 
experimental station, where Italians have been employed in raising 

(384) 



The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer i6i 

vegetables. The first report, just issued under the title “The Lure 
of the Land,” gives the results of the experiments of the first year, 
which have been very encouraging. 

Long Island, like New Jersey, western New York and the 
lower part of the Connecticut \'alley, will in the next few years see 
a large number of Italian farmers engaged in raising vegetables on 
lands neglected or abandoned by the native Americans. There are 
some who expect that in these localities the Italians will settle in 
larger numbers than in the Piedmont region, where the climate 
perhaps would be more favorable but the markets farther away. 
Whether from a social and religious point of view these farmers 
from sunny Italy will be preferable to the old Puritans is a question 
that cannot be discussed here but it cannot be doubted that so far 
as the economic development of the country is concerned they are 
vastly preferable to no Puritans at all. Nearness to great centers 
of population will not only facilitate the sale of farm products at 
good prices but will eventually make it possible for one or two 
young members of the family to go to work in the city during the 
dull times in the country and therefore help their fathers to become 
owners of their land sooner. 

The second field in which the Italian has been tried out as an 
agricutural laborer may be termed extensive agriculture. The 
Italians are rather rare in the wheat and corn fields of the Dakotas 
and Kansas but they have gone in good numbers to the cotton, 
sugar cane and tobacco fields of the South and the Southwest. In 
the State of North Carolina is the Italian colony of VYldese. It 
was founded fifteen years ago by Piedmontese belonging to the old 
Waldensian Church. In their religion and mode of life these people 
have a very strong resemblance to the earliest settlers of Massa- 
chusetts ; like them they have not been very fortunate with their 
land, which is not of the most fertile in the state. They were helped 
at first by Mr. John Wanamaker of Philadelphia, and now, with the 
assistance of the younger generation which came to the mills of the 
North, the land has been improved and the colony may be said to 
be fairly prosperous. There are at Yaldese about 400 Italians, and 
the chief crops raised are wheat, corn and potatoes. Every family 
has about an acre planted with vines and produces about 600 gallons 
of wine for domestic use. Lately mulberry trees have been planted 
and the growing of the silk worm is to be undertaken if a variety 

(385) 



i62 The Annals of the American Academy 

of worm can be produced adapted to the climate. This is not very 
different from that of Northern Italy but much more changeable. 

Of the 30,000 Italians of Louisiana about one-half are working 
on sugar cane and cotton plantations. These are mostly Sicilians ; 
they earn from 75 cents to $i.oo a day and up to $1.25 at the 
time when the crop is to be gathered in ; lodging is usually provided 
free but they have to board themselves. Their frugality allows 
them to save in four or five years enough money to start for 
themselves. The principal places where the Italians are engaged in 
agriculture in the State of Louisiana are Kenner, La Place, Convent, 
Independence, Llouma, Lafayette, Morgan City, Thibodeaux, Baton 
Rouge, Lake Charles, Patterson, Alexandria, Lake End, Lutcher, 
Shreveport. In all these places sugar cane and cotton are the 
principal products with the exception of Independence where 800 
Italians are engaged in raising" strawberries. They ship to the North 
every year 300 cars of berries of a total value of more than half a 
million dollars ; more than one-third of the land they cultivate 
belongs to them and many have built very comfortable and attrac- 
tive houses on their property. During the spring, when more hands 
are needed to handle the product, they call from Italy their friends 
and relatives, who afterwards settle there and engage in the same 
occupation. At Alexandria a few Italian families are occupied in 
the cultivation of rice. To this kind of cultivation the people from 
Northern Italy are better adapted than those of the South and this is 
the reason why the cultivation of rice in the southern states has 
been a partial failure where Italians from Southern Italy have 
been employed. At Lake End the Italians are all from Sicily and 
rent the land, on which they raise cotton almost exclusively ; they 
pay all the expenses and give the owners of the land one-fourth of 
the crop as rent ; they are increasing rapidly and many of the 
families established there live comfortably and save every year from 
$500 to $1,000. 

In Arkansas is the famous colony of Sunny Side, founded 
by Mr. Corbin of New York. It was a failure from the start. The 
lands are fertile and well adapted to cotton raising but they are not 
properly drained and therefore fevers are quite common in the local- 
ity. The laborers are colonized by a company which practically 
compels them to buy from it all necessaries of life at high prices and 
to sell to it the cotton at a price a little below the market price. 

(386) 



The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer 



163 



With all this many families which are fortunate enough to have the 
best lands save as much as $1,000 a year. The number of Italians 
in the colony is increasing, and perhaps conditions are now a little 
better than they were a few years ago. His excellency the Italian 
ambassador. Mayor Des Planches, who visited the colony in his 
southern tour last year, did not receive a very good impression and 
reports in general are conflicting. The great trouble is that the com- 
pany administering the estate on account of the Corbin heirs does 
not sell the land to the Italians and these cannot therefore become 
settlers in the best sense of the word. Mr. Alfred Holt Stone, in a 
paper prepared for the American Economic Association, gives the 
following figures on the colony of Sunny Side, to demonstrate the 
relative efficiency of the Italians and the negroes as cotton growers: 
When the present administration took charge of the Corbin estate 
in 1898 Sunny Side had 38 squads of Italians with 200 working 
hands cultivating 1,200 acres of cotton. There were also 203 negro 
squads with 600 working hands cultivating 2.600 acres of cotton. 
At the end of the year 1905 conditions had completely changed. 
The cotton acreage had increased to 3,900 acres of which 900 were 
cultivated by 38 negro squads with 175 working hands and 3,000 by 
107 Italian squads wdth 500 working hands. As to productive pow'er 
an average of six years gives 2,584 pounds of lint cotton per work- 
ing hand for the Italians and 1,174 pounds for the negroes. The 
average lint production per acre was 400 pounds for the Italians and 
233 pounds for the negroes. Counting the value of cotton seed 
the Italian has an advantage of 115 per cent over the negro. The 
two races live quite separated at Sunny Side. In fact there seems 
to be less mixing of bloods now than when the white Americans 
were in larger numbers in the place. 

Very few Italians have penetrated into Alabama. Two agri- 
cultural colonies exist at Daphnee and Lambert, the principal prod- 
ucts being vegetables and tobacco. In the neighborhood of Birming- 
ham a few Italian families have just established themselves. 

Texas, on the contrary, is a wide open and inviting field for the 
Italian. Public attention in Italy has been directed to the agricul- 
tural possibilities of that large state, and while I am writing these 
lines a commission sent by a leading bank of Milan, Italy, is studying 
in Texas a project of Italian colonization on a large scale. The 
idea is to direct to the best localities families of Italian farmers, 

(387) 



f n 



104 



0: T/'.c 



A-CHdcVil V 



proviciiig ihe~ vrith proper assistance, protection and instruction 
for the nrst rears and giving titein opportunit}' to become owners 
of tlie land on easy pa^-ments. In general it may be said that any 
scheme on these lines ought to succeed, and success can reasonably 
be expected in Texas vrhere the clintate is very favorable. Texas 
has already about 15. coo Italians of whom two-thirds are occu- 
pied in agriculture. It is calculated that nearly one thousand Ital- 
ians reside in the viciniw of Dickinson. They are raising vegetables 
and berries, and the nta'orin' are quite well oii; the colony increases 
very rapidly. Xear Houston there are one hundred Italian families 
engaged in growing vegetables and fruits : a good ntaiorirv' of them 
own the land they cultivate. At Brtan fuhy nve hundred families 
are engaged in agriculture and one-half of them own the land they 
cultivate. Brran is one of the most prosperous Italian agricultural 
colonies in the United States. The farns varr in extent from 100 to 
uco acres. The Italians nuntber 3.000 out of a total population of 
.coo and almost all are front Sicily. They are prosperous, happy and 
law-abiding. Xot a single crim.e has been committed in that localin- 
fcr years : the signature of the Italians is accepted as ready money 
and the newcomers find imuttediately land, unplements and all that is 
necessary to start. Ordy for a period of two or three years do they 
remain tenants ; then they buy their fartns. At San Antonio about 
one hundred Italian fam.ilies work on small famts near the city. 
They are mostly tenants and the locality does not seem to be partic- 
ularly healthy. Several colonization experim_ents with the Italians 
in Xcrthem Texas have failed on account of the hot climate and 
the lack of water, but the small colony of IMontague composed of 
Italians from. X'orthem Italy, has thus far succeeded. There are 



there about twenr.--five fantilies and almost all ovrn the land they cul- 
tivate. Italian families are also to be found in the vicinin- of Dallas 
and Austin all engaged in truck fatming with good results. On the 
whole Texas seems to be the m.ost inviting field for the Italian just 
at present. The great extent of the state, the qualit}' of the land, 
the clim.ate. the fact that it is somewhat nearer than California to 
the great m.arkets of the East, seem, to indicate that the Italians may 



::£-_e there ve.y acvamageouslv. 

The best results in agriculture seem to be obtained by the 



Italians only 
be borne in 



v,'hen they own the land they cultivate. This ought to 
mund by those who look to the Italian as the possible 






The Italian as an Agricultural Laborer 165 

competitor of the negro and as the one who ultimately may take 
his place. The Italian is in character just the opposite of the negro. 
The negro is unreliable ; is shifting all the time ; the Italian is steady, 
attached to the land and thrifty. Xext to being a land owner the 
Italian likes to be a tenant farmer, but decidedly he is not adapted 
to be exploited as a day laborer under the peonage system. The 
failure of some of the enterprises in Arkansas and ^Mississippi is 
due to the fact that the Italians were treated by the land owners as 
negroes and those methods will never do with them. 

The third field in which the Italians have been tried out in agri- 
culture has been by far the most successful ; it is fruit raising. 
Almost everv Italian that owns a farm raises fruit to some extent ; 
the Italians in Xew York, Xew Jersey, Connecticut, and Xorth 
Carolina raise grapes and fruits in small quantities but the best 
fruit-bearing country" is still California and it will be for some years 
until Texas will perhaps have taken over the supremacy. The suc- 
cesses of the Italian grape and fruit growers in California are too 
well known to be rehearsed here. California has about 60,000 
Italians of whom fully one-half are engaged in agriculture. The 
first Italians were Genoese and Piedmontese who went with the 
rush that followed the discovery of the gold fields half a century 
ago. Then some began to understand that California had far greater 
wealth in its agricultural possibilities than in its gold mines, and they 
started the cultivation of fruits, to which the climate seemed to be 
wonderfully adapted. The success obtained in the cultivation of 
oranges is well known and quite a little headway has been made in 
the cultivation of lemons, although the Californian product is still 
very inferior to the Sicilian. Grapes are raised in large quantities, 
and the colonies of the Italian-Swiss Gompany, especially that of 
Asti, are well known for the excellence of their wines. Mnes of aU 
kinds have been imported from the best celebrated wine-producing 
districts of Europe and for the last few years the American tourist 
has been drinking in London the claret produced by the Italians in 
California and enjoying their oranges. At the colony of Asti is to 
be found the largest wine tank in the world ; the day it was inaugu- 
rated several couples danced inside it without inconvenience. Plums 
and peaches are also raised in good quantities by the Italians of Cali- 
fornia, and a great many small truck farms exist in the vicinity of 
San Francisco and Los Angeles. Their great distance from the 

(389) 



i66 The Annals of the American Academy 

most populated centers of the East is the only reason why the 
Italian agricultural colonies of California have not grown faster. 
At the Asti colony the land is owned by a company and the laborers 
are paid from twenty dollars to twenty-five dollars a month besides 
their board and lodging. Their condition on the whole is not so 
prosperous as that of the independent Italian farmers of Texas but is 
much preferable to that of the average Italian agricultural laborer 
of other southern states. 

To sum up, the Italians as agricultural laborers have given 
remarkably good results in almost every locality, especially where 
the climate is mild and where they can soon become land owners. 
The Italian seems destined to become the truck farmer of the 
East and more and more to develop fruit raising in California 
and Texas. Excellent results will also be obtained with him in the 
sugar cane and cotton fields of the South, especially in healthy local- 
ities. If it is asked why then the Italians have not become agricul- 
tural laborers in larger proportions I answer that at the time of 
their coming agriculture is not so inviting a proposition as indus- 
trial work. They are practically penniless on landing and need to 
work not for the distant future but for the immediate present. 
Among those who already have their families here, who are relieved 
of the anxiety of the future, who have saved a little and have learned 
something of the laws and the spirit of the land there are undoubt- 
edly many who would prefer the independent and healthy life of 
the country to the dependent and unhealthy life of the city. But in 
all cases the agricultural proposition must ’ e laid before them fairly ; 
they must not see exploitation where others speak of colonization, 
and in every way they must have fair play. Colonization companies 
and railroads which want to develop healthy and fertile regions 
in the South, Southwest and West should understand that in devel- 
oping their lands it will pay them to extend to the Italians the 
greatest and most sympathetic assistance and give them an oppor- 
tunity to become prosperous in the shortest possible time. 



(390) 



NEGRO LABOR AND THE BOLL WEEVIL 



By Alfred H. Stone, LL.B., 

Dunleith, !Miss., Author of “Studies in the American Race Problem.” 



During the fifteen years in which I have been planting cotton I 
have never known as much agitation of the general subject of the 
negro on the plantation as there has been this winter. This is due to 
the disastrous situation in Louisiana and South ^Mississippi, brought 
about by the destructive ravages of the boll weevil in 1908. The 
appearance of this pest in this territory, and its final crossing of the 
Mississippi, have served to turn practical attention to a consideration 
of the character of labor which would have to be relied upon to meet 
its attacks. Negro labor is still identified with cotton production, 
and whatever concerns the latter affects the former also. The boll 
weevil is the greatest enemy which has yet appeared in the history 
of cotton. In my judgment it will create conditions which will 
form a supreme test of the capacity and efficiency of negro labor 
in the field of southern agriculture. This note can do no more than 
offer a glance at some of these conditions and at some of the char- 
acteristics of the labor in question. 

Opinions differ as to just when, and to just what extent, the 
IMexican boll weevil destroyed the cotton growing industry of Mex- 
ico. It seems impossible to measure accurately the various factors 
involved, but certainly the industry itself now is of small importance. 
In some districts cotton planting was abandoned as early as 1843, 
because, it is claimed, of the ravages of the weevil. But we cannot 
get much light from Alexico. Conditions there and here are so dif- 
ferent, and the general progress of agricultural science has been so 
great in the past few years, that comparisons are almost worthless. 
We must look to Texas, and even here it is easy to be misled. Our 
people are deriving consolation from the fact that, despite the weevil, 
Texas continues to make large crops of cotton, crops which are in 
fact, on the whole, increasing in size. This optimism ignores certain 
important considerations. 

In the first place, Texas offers the largest area in the South 
of prairie cotton. A prairie has an immense advantage over a tim- 

1391) 



i68 



The Annals of the American Academy 



bered country, because of the habits of the weevil. It goes into 
winter quarters after it has nothing left to prey upon. One of the 
means of fighting it is the destruction of cotton stalks, grass, weeds 
and other hibernating places. The greater the number of weevils 
which stand the winter, the greater the first attack in the spring 
and the more rapid the multiplication of the insects during the 
growing season. Obviously, timber regions offer much better hiber- 
nating quarters than the open prairie. Other natural conditions in 
favor of Texas are the heavier rainfall during the growing season 
with us, and the necessity for a more expensive and slower method 
of cultivation, owing to a rapid and excessive growth of grass. 
The most important difference of all, however, is that of labor. 

With all our discussion of the economics of southern labor, we 
have never ascertained the respective parts played by white and 
negro labor in cotton production. We have been content to accept 
the hoary tradition that all cotton was produced by the negro, handed 
down to us from antebellum times. This was not true before the 
war, and it is not true to-day. More — it is to-day a ridiculous 
proposition. It is probable that considerably more than fifty per 
cent of the crop is now grown by white labor. It is in Texas that 
we have witnessed the greatest increase in production since i860. 
That state alone made probably one-third of the American crop in 
1908 — though the figures are not yet available. And it is in Texas 
that the white grower has secured his greatest hold upon the indus- 
try. Another factor is the tremendous increase of the white farming 
population of Texas in recent years. In other words, in attempting 
to measure the ability of Texas to combat the weevil, by the amount 
of cotton grown in the state, we are confronted with the questions. 
How much of the cotton increase is due to white labor, per sc? and 
How much of it is due to a positive increase in the number of per- 
sons, mainly white, engaged in cotton growing? Even to attempt 
to answer these questions a more or less elaborate argument would 
be required ; and because of insufficient data, the great area involved 
and the presence of complicating factors, the results would be incon- 
clusive and unsatisfactor^^ The general Texas situation is men- 
tioned here to suggest that while cotton unquestionably can be grown 
under boll weevil conditions, that fact in Texas does not mean, 
necessarily, that it can be grown with equal success under boll 
weevil conditions elsewhere. 



(392) 



One feature incidental to cotton growing under these adverse 
conditions is, however, uniform. Wherever the w'eevil appears it 
creates the necessity for a revolution in the entire economy of cotton 
production. This is true in Texas, Louisiana and Southwest Mis- 
sissippi, and it will prove true of the rest of the cotton belt. Old 
methods have to be abandoned, old customs modified or given up, 
an end put to plantation indulgences and practices handed down as a 
heritage of the business. The measure of the negro’s ability to 
grow cotton under the conditions likely to confront him in the terri- 
tory east of the Mississippi, will be his adaptability to these changes 
and his capacity to become part of this industrial revolution. It is 
this which challenges the attention of those interested, whether 
academically or practically, in negro labor. Under ordinary condi- 
tions cotton is cultivated in a slipshod manner, receiving probably 
not more than half the intelligent assistance which it needs and to 
which it is entitled. It leads a precarious existence, from the prepa- 
ration of the soil to the gathering of the crop. It is planted at 
various dates, from April first to May — and sometimes as late as 
the middle of the latter month, or even the first of June. It is given 
its own time in which to grow and mature, and in many alluvial 
districts the time required is such that the crop is not fully gathered 
until the end of the winter, or the beginning of the spring following 
that in which it is planted. 

The business relations between negro cotton growers and the 
white land owner or merchant have been in harmony with the 
methods which have characterized the cultivating of the soil. It 
has been an effort on the part of each to get all he could out of the 
other, with scant regard to the ultimate real good of either. The 
net result is the impoverishment of the soil, the pauperizing of 
the labor and frequently the bankrupting of the landlord or mer- 
chant. It has been a' “skin game,’’ all around. It is probably not 
possible to distribute the responsibility for this state of affairs. The 
cupidity of the white man is a trait as old as the race, while certain 
characteristics of the negro masses seem at times to render the 
situation hopeless. Under the new order, the white man has in his 
greater intelligence and keener appreciation of the necessity of 
mending his ways, an advantage over the negro. The masses of 
the latter are handicapped by a concentration of thought upon 



( 393 ) 



170 The Annals of the American Academy 

immediate desires, with a contemptuous disregard of either future 
good or future evil. 

Under boll-weevil conditions the cotton grower is brought for 
the first time face to face with a real struggle for survival. It has 
been too easy to live heretofore. That fact has been the greatest 
curse of the cotton section. It has undoubtedly contributed to cer- 
tain habits of thriftlessness which militate against the negro masses, 
and is at the bottom of their independence of the necessity of con- 
stant employment and steady labor. Whether or not the severer 
conditions of the immediate future will at once remedy these defects, 
is an open question, but it is my judgment that they will make for 
greater stability and ultimately for greater economic efficiency and 
dependability. But there must be radical changes before this is 
possible. Not only will there be demanded an amount of labor 
which will make former cotton cultivation seem the child’s play 
which it really has been, but there must be developed an ability 
to provide for himself, to live otherwise than in a state of daily 
dependence upon the white man, which hitherto the cotton-growing 
mass of negroes has not shown. The only possibility of making 
cotton then will be by compelling its early maturity, both by seed 
selection and cultivation, and “living” will become a matter of the 
raising by each individual negro laborer of a large proportion of the 
things for which he has been accustomed to call on his white mer- 
chant or landlord. 

For a number of years I have studied negro labor in a certain 
portion of the cotton belt. My conclusion has been that the greatest 
hindrance to real economic progress on the part of this class of 
negroes is a definite habit of shifting their abodes, of aimlessly 
moving to and fro, from one cotton growing season to another. 
For fifty-eight days this winter I devoted all my time to talking to 
negroes who were leaving me, and to those who were coming in to 
take their places. Not in all my experience have I seen anything 
to equal the “moving” which went on in our territory between Octo- 
ber and January. In riding six miles along a public road one day, 
I counted thirty-six wagon loads of household effects, the owners 
seated on top, shifting from various plantations to various other 
plantations. Yet we had no boll weevil. We had simply made an 
early crop, and with nothing to attach them through the winter to 
the places on which they had lived for the season, they had a longer 

(394) 



Negro Labor and the Boll Weevil 



171 



period than usual in which to travel about and find new homes, and 
more of them took advantage of it. During the same time there 
was an exodus of negroes from the boll weevil districts of Louisiana 
and Southwest Mississippi. They poured into the Yazoo-Missis- 
sipi Delta regions by hundreds. M'e have more labor than we have 
had at any time since the war. But of what permanent value is 
it to the section. They fled from Louisiana like rats from a sinking 
ship ; what warrant have we to imagine that they will not similarly 
desert us when we are attacked — and resume the childish ef